External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar’s go to Islamabad for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit used to be hanging for each its quiet self-belief and strategic precision. In a go-to place, no bilateral talks with Pakistan have been expected and none took place the optics and effect of Jaishankar’s participation conveyed ways more than any sideline conferences should have. India finished two strategic objectives: enticing Central Asia via the SCO and confronting Pakistan and China’s double requirements on terrorism and what they name “good neighbourliness”, all besides being sidetracked with the aid of theatrics or distractions.
There have been no fireworks at the SCO. It used to be uneventful. And in the context of Pakistan, that’s an appropriate thing. Surprisingly, Islamabad pulled off the SCO summit besides a single protection incident no bomb blasts, no terror attacks, and no road protests. In the United States of America which has confronted current terror strikes, such as in Karachi, this used to be a splendid feat. And this was once made feasible by actually placing the complete capital on lockdown.
Jaishankar’s Firm Remark
This was once the first time an Indian foreign minister had traveled to Pakistan in 9 years. Jaishankar’s stance used to be clear from the outset: this used to be an SCO event, no longer an India-Pakistan bilateral engagement. He drew company boundaries properly earlier than he arrived in Pakistan. There had been no bilateral conferences scheduled or even hinted at, and Jaishankar made it clear via each phrase and movement that India’s presence in Islamabad used to be about the SCO, no longer about thawing ties with Pakistan.
With assured physique language and meticulous composure, he represented India’s function perfectly—that this has to no longer be misconstrued as a thaw in ties, that ties with Pakistan would stay bloodless as lengthy as cross-border terrorism continues to be a reality, and that India would be respectful of the host country in an exhibit of grace— something Pakistan’s then Foreign Minister, Bilawal Bhutto, failed to do when he was once in India for an SCO assembly in 2023.
In his speech, EAM Jaishankar provided a veiled but effective critique, stating, “If faith is lacking or cooperation insufficient if friendship has fallen brief and excellent neighborliness is lacking somewhere, there are absolutely motives to introspect and motives to address.” This was once a direct, albeit diplomatic, indictment of Pakistan’s function in fostering terrorism. He similarly bolstered this using stressing that things to do “across borders characterized through terrorism, extremism, and separatism” would preclude regional cooperation on key troubles like trade, energy, and connectivity.
By attending the event, Jaishankar averted giving Pakistan an excuse to declare that India was once warding off communication or engagement. But he additionally used the discussion board to without delay name Pakistan’s position in the promotion of terrorism on Pakistani soil, no less.
At the same time, the EAM’s presence ensured that India persisted in interacting with Central Asia, the usage of the SCO as a platform to deepen ties with international locations like Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan. Central Asia remains a key place for India’s strategic interests, especially in energy, trade, and connectivity. However, the area is additionally closely influenced by China, whose Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has supplied big infrastructure funding to these countries. India’s presence in the SCO helps to counterbalance China’s dominance in the region, even as it works to construct strong ties with these nations.
The China-Pakistan Conflict: The Reason India Remains in the SCO
One may ask, why does India proceed to take part in a crew at the place where two of its key adversaries China and Pakistan wield huge influence? The reply lies in India’s broader strategic calculus.
The SCO started as a regional platform to promote change and protection and has grown into an enormous platform connecting India to Central Asia, Russia, and even adversaries like China and Pakistan. With new participants like Iran and Belarus as the tenth individuals of the group, the SCO represents about forty percent of the world’s populace and 30 percent of the international GDP.
The SCO is no longer simply a China-Pakistan-dominated bloc; it additionally consists of Russia, a long-standing Indian ally, and 4 vital Central Asian Republics (CARs) that are vital to India’s regional outreach.
India’s function in the SCO approves it to project the development of an impact on China and Pakistan inside the organization. China has been pushing to flip the SCO into a discussion board that counters Western effects globally, and Pakistan is more than inclined to play along. The two all-weather allies persistently interacted in border aggression in opposition to India whilst pretending to be the region’s custodians. India’s presence ensures that it can counter-narratives rising from Beijing and Islamabad, specifically on troubles such as terrorism and regional security.
For instance, India continues to oppose China’s Belt and Road Initiative inside the SCO framework, refusing to signal associated archives for the duration of the summit. India’s choice now not to propose the BRI is rooted in worries about sovereignty, in particular, due to the fact one of the fundamental BRI projects, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), runs via Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, in violation of Indian territorial integrity.
Increasing Connections with Central Asia and Russia
The SCO is additionally a crucial discussion board for India’s engagement with Russia, a key strategic partner. With the Ukraine warfare reshaping international alliances, India’s ties with Russia continue to be crucial, even as Moscow’s members of the family with Beijing deepen. The SCO lets India hold a working relationship with Russia inside a multilateral framework, making sure that its strategic autonomy stays intact. India’s presence additionally helps Russia using stopping the crew from turning into an entirely China-centric one.
Moreover, India’s position in the SCO is essential for its efforts to construct enhanced ties with Central Asia, a vicinity prosperous in electricity sources and strategically positioned between Russia, China, and the Middle East. However, one of India’s primary challenges in this place is connectivity—both China and Pakistan have used their geographic function to dominate alternate routes into Central Asia. India’s presence in the SCO permits it to push for higher regional connectivity, discover innovative options to omit these challenges, and enlarge its footprint in the region’s markets.
Reaching Two Goals in a Single Visit
To conclude, Jaishankar’s SCO went to Pakistan and hit two birds with one stone—engaging with Central Asia, and confronting Pakistan and China.
His visit to Islamabad, no matter how strained India-Pakistan ties, displays India’s approach to retaining SCO as a key platform for enticing Central Asian countries. India additionally seeks to be a conscience-keeper of the crew via now not skipping Pakistan and as a substitute being existing there to name out cross-border terrorism. India’s presence permits it to project narratives on protection troubles directly, in particular these emanating from China and Pakistan. By enticing the group, India continues its enemies shut whilst combating narratives and initiatives that are harmful to India’s interests.
(The writer is an Indian technocrat, political analyst, and author. The views expressed in the article are his own. His social media handle is @prosenjitnth)
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