Can Elephant And Dragon Swim In A Strait Line?

The year 2025 has witnessed more discourse on the “Elephant-Dragon tango” about India and China than in recent years, with the phrase being approvingly mouthed by their top leaders. Notably, this is positively hyphenated and not one of “elephant versus dragon”.

As India seeks to bridge the significant gap that exists with China, differences persist and are unlikely to disappear soon. But they are not being gloated over, as they race towards completing their respective centuries of independence in 2047 and 2050.

This has been spurred by a series of events, not the least the Donald Trump-led United States threatening allies and adversaries alike, and selectively ‘tariffing’ them. Singled out for some of the ‘punishment’, India has taken some rear-guard actions, like warming up to the China-led SCO, which has only rattled Trump more. Having experienced its disruptive nature, the much-speculated ‘thaw’ in India-China ties is likely to continue even after the tariff war ends, sooner or later.

This is the crux of the Indo-Pacific region’s pas de deux churn, reflected in the way Asia’s two largest navies are shaping. A deeply insightful compare-and-contrast study, India’s Elephant Navy and China’s Dragon Navy @ 2025, emphasises that this process is set to expand and impact the world.

Authored by Commodore Ranjit B. Rai (rtd.), an Indian Navy veteran and Neil Harvey, a Briton with a deep interest in naval affairs, the study neither ignores nor mocks the vast gap in the two navies. Nor, for that matter, their respective strength and flaws.

It provides a new prism to Asian naval affairs, a rare regional insight in an area of geostrategic study where information and deliberate disinformation. It is unfiltered, richly illustrated, and what is more, intellectually grounded. Any student of naval affairs, anywhere, needs to study it since the balance of power, including naval power, is shifting to the Asia-Pacific region, and this is going to be the “Century of the Seas”.

India’s Atmanirbhar (self-reliance) is caught between a weakening Europe struggling to retain its global relevance, Trump’s MAGA and Xi-led China’s long-term dream, Zongguo Meng. This is a world where leading nations, wherein he includes India, are led by “near dictators” willing to take risks, set new red lines against their respective adversaries, and those with N-power, including the US, are piling up their arsenals.

Rai makes ominous, but starkly believable, predictions of more of Gaza, Ukraine and Op Sindoor-type conflicts occurring across the globe in the coming years. This is because the US has become ‘impotent’ in policing peace in failing to deliver the promised peace in Ukraine, and its penchant for keeping the Middle East on the boil.

He foresees rapid realignments in a world where yesterday’s UN-sanctioned terrorists are being courted by powers big and small, since the UN itself has ceased to be relevant as a consensus-builder, let alone a peace-maker, as respect for international law is virtually absent.

With a nuclear-armed Pakistan willing to sell whatever it has to the Islamic world and access to the US in the Arabian Sea, Rai says a North Korea-type regime may be in the offing in Islamabad. He wonders how China, having already invested big in the region and preparing to move into Afghanistan before the US returns, will tackle its “all-weather ally.” The two confront India.

The real juice of his 280-page, largely technical, treatise is in his India-China assessment. “With memories of the 1962 War and Galwan 2020 still fresh, India’s elephant moves slowly but surely. China’s dragon spits fire, illegally controls and arms the South China Sea islands, and employs cyber and strategic moves to rise without war. China supports Pakistan – India’s bete noire, and more recently, Bangladesh,” he says.

But he counters: “India holds the Bolt and the Key to the Malacca Straits” and calls it “China’s Malacca Dilemma.”

China’s world’s largest navy (PLAN) has 367 ships and an extensive Naval Air Fleet with three aircraft carriers. The Indian Navy has 144 ships, two aircraft carriers, and a 225-aircraft naval air arm, with 50 (now 61) platforms on order, all in Indian yards, saving foreign exchange and providing mass employment. The Indian Navy’s target is 170 ships and 300 aircraft by 2027, when 26 Rafales will have joined, along with more large drones.

ALSO READ: Indian Navy@2025 – Riding The Waves

The book examines the rapid modernisation of both fleets—India’s aircraft carriers INS Vikrant and INS Vishakhapatnam class destroyers on one hand, and China’s Shandong carrier and Type 055 cruisers on the other. Comparing the two, Commodore C. Uday Bhaskar (rtd.) writes: “China holds more cards than India at this point.”

Yet, India’s diplomatic language about China has become more pragmatic. Officials describe relations as “on the mend,” with confidence in a “continued thawing” and prospects for being “back on track.” However, India reiterates its core concerns, particularly emphasising the need for de-escalation and permanent solutions to the border dispute in areas like Demchok and Depsang—highlighting that trust will require “structured de-escalation” and renewed high-level dialogue around the unresolved boundary issues.

Despite a more positive tone, both sides acknowledge that achieving durable progress will be difficult. The unresolved border remains the most sensitive issue, described as the main source of misunderstanding and mistrust. China’s official commentary emphasises the need for a “reliable border trust mechanism” and warns against external influences—particularly urging India to ignore US-led efforts to create divisions in Asia.

China’s call for a “Dragon-Elephant Tango” signals a desire for a new chapter in India-China relations, rooted in mutual respect, pragmatic cooperation, and strategic autonomy from external powers. Yet, both sides recognise that lasting normalcy will depend on sustained effort to resolve legacy issues and manage renewed engagement in a fundamentally altered geopolitical landscape.

In sum, when China, with Putin-led Russia as its ally, along with BRICS nations, offers an alternative to the US, for the first time since the “Cold War” era, Beijing and Delhi’s signalling a diplomatic reset with an eye on a global order beyond US Influence is important.

a better understanding, Rai rightly says Indians know little about their Himalayan neighbour. The two are “like chalk and cheese” in the philosophies evolved over the millennia, in their physical appearances and food habits, and in work cultures. He quotes Henry Kissinger, that while Indians play chess, or Chaturanga, which allows for a draw, the Chinese board game, Weiqi, does not.

Riding PM Narendra Modi’s Hindutva politico-religious platform, India has to meet multiple challenges on multiple fronts, a new one opened by an adversarial Bangladesh that has opened its Myanmar flank to global geopolitical shenanigans. Modi seeks a change in the way Indians think. Will that happen?

AUKUS, Indo-Pacific and India

With the AUKUS, Quad and continual usage of the term Indo-Pacific to refer to the strategic environs of Asia, it is beyond doubt that the United States of America is pursuing geographic containment of People’s Republic of China. The strategy in large measure is similar to the containment policy vis-à-vis the USSR during the Cold War. China has reciprocated with increased naval and air activity across the Taiwan Straits, in the South China Sea, in the Indian Ocean region and in Africa. It has direct ramifications for India’s geopolitics.

The ongoing border standoff with India since May 2020 is one of the important tools by China to assert its authority in the South Asian region. Chinese designs of a free-flowing global infrastructure through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Maritime Silk Road (MSR) facilitating its trade networks, however, reached a dead end at India’s borders.

India plays a significant role in South Asian affairs due to its geography and the historical and cultural ties with most of the countries in South Asia. Furthermore, for strategic minds in Washington, India plays a dual role; a) a counterweight to China in the larger Asian calculations and b) the continental containment of China depends on the Indian subcontinent.

The AUKUS, a tripartite alliance of the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia based on naval technology transfer and sale of advanced submarines to Australia by the former countries has raised concerns in Beijing.

The French with a significant presence in the Indian Ocean, however, have not taken kindly to the AUKUS. Australia had already signed an agreement with France for advanced submarines, which was scrapped in favour of the UK. Several commentators have suggested that the AUKUS is an alliance of Anglophone states. Reverberations of the AUKUS have been felt in the G7 and led to exchange of harsh words between the leaders of France and the UK.

The AUKUS combined with US allies and friends in South Korea, Japan, and Philippines is a very potent encirclement strategy to deter the Chinese. Secretary Blinken’s visit to Indonesia and Malaysia this week indicates towards a US strategy to influence and create linkages in the ASEAN to regain the lost economic ground in the region.

India, on the other hand, is a collaborator with French in terms of naval exercises in the Indian Ocean region. Delhi has also been a traditional buyer of French weapon systems and arms. The much-publicized recent sale and delivery of the combat aircraft Rafale is a case in point.

The AUKUS deal therefore provides an opportunity for India to adopt a more autonomous stance in the Indian Ocean Region. Such autonomy may be countenanced with the European Union’s announcement of Indo-Pacific strategy.

ALSO READ: China’s Forays Into Ports Have Deep Currents

For India, its participation in the QUAD allows for its interactions with the United States, Australia and Japan in the region. The advantage of such multilateral groupings is that India avoids direct confrontation with the Chinese in the Indian Ocean and the Indo-Pacific region and remains an important player in the US containment designs in the maritime domain.

India’s protracted and continuing border standoff resulting from Chinese incursions in Ladakh during May 2020 has caused anxieties in New Delhi as well as in Beijing. The standoff has improved India’s stock in the international community as the Indian armed forces backed by the Indian government have faced the Chinese with a steely resolve.

The hard border with China and India’s decision to not join the BRI and the standoff are perhaps linked, but this has resulted in denial of a strategic route into the Indian Ocean for the Chinese. This leads to perhaps the only blockade for the Chinese BRI and the huge infrastructure projects which it runs on the Eurasian landmass. For the US, therefore, India translates into a partner which can challenge China on land and can restrict its geostrategic reach into the maritime domain.

US faces challenges in the Indian subcontinent as it grapples with the Taliban in Afghanistan and a Pakistan clearly disposed towards the Chinese. In this situation, it is not an exaggeration to call China, Pakistan, and the Taliban as staunch allies.

India, therefore, will play a substantial role in the Indian Ocean region, in the global geopolitical architecture. India’s role will be enhanced in the subcontinent, but only with the multilateral networks it will adapt to. All these efforts have been directed towards to curtail unprecedented Chinese belligerence and diplomatic aggression.  

Conspiracy theorists point to Chinese role in the death of high-ranking army officials in Taiwan (October 2020) and India (December 2021) in helicopter crashes. Whether true or not, the Chinese with their secretive and covert disposition are certainly capable of such sabotage. In the Indian case, an investigation committee has been set up to locate and unearth the causes of the crash which killed Chief of the Defence Staff General Bipin Rawat on December 8. 

In conclusion, it is only wise to say that the Chinese with their negative intent and actions have caused this string of alignments in the region and now are certainly feeling the pressure through increased US activity in the Indo-Pacific region through QUAD and now the AUKUS. India stands to benefit with increased strategic approach combined with the economic gains it has made over the last two decades.