Tag: India Bangladesh Relations

Bangladesh Regime Change: What Lies Ahead For India

Bangladesh Regime Change: What Lies Ahead For India?

By Prosenjit Nath

Bangladesh is going through one of its most turbulent periods. Chaos has erupted in the country due to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina having fled. This has raised questions about Bangladesh’s inside balance and its family members with India.

The modern political disaster in Bangladesh is based totally on a combination of ancient grievances and new revolts. Sheikh Hasina has confronted allegations of corruption and electoral fraud for years. But her resignation has created an electricity vacuum that solely worsens the situation.

Although the financial system has grown dramatically, not everyone has shared it. Public discontent is excessive due to rising dwelling fees and vulnerable social services. The repression of opposition events and leaders has exacerbated the crisis. Among them is Khaleda Zia, the head of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), who used to be launched amidst chaos these days. However, her launch is believed to be a try to fix political normalcy and not provoke the opposition further.

The position of many Islamist groups, especially the Jamaat-e-Islami, had muddied the waters—the Jamaat-e-Islami, which performed a sizable function in the 1971 struggle and has historically supported the BNP.

Muhammad Yunus, a Nobel laureate, has pledged to bring democracy and peace back. In turbulent times, voices like Yunus should be named for calm and dialogue.

Disturbing reviews have emerged about assaults on minority communities as properly as Awami League ministers. The assaults underscore the sectarian divisions that have worsened all through political turmoil. The current assaults have left these communities in concern and insecurity. Attacks on politicians spotlight entrenched enmities and the fragile kingdom of a disaster that has dragged on for almost two decades.

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What challenges does the disaster in Bangladesh pose for India? How India responds to these shocks as a closed neighbor and steadfast friend would have a significant impact on future bilateral relations.

Economic relations: The ongoing violence in Bangladesh has significantly disrupted regular economic activities and severed critical connections to the global market. Indian businesses with substantial investments in Bangladesh are now facing considerable uncertainties, which could have broader implications for their operations and financial health. The economic interdependence between the two countries means that disturbances in Bangladesh are not isolated; they ripple across borders, potentially causing a chain reaction in Indian markets. This impact is particularly pronounced in border states like West Bengal and Assam, where trade and commerce with Bangladesh are vital. The disruption in these economic ties could lead to decreased trade volumes, logistical challenges, and potential economic instability in these regions, further complicating the already tense situation.

Security threat: The instability in Bangladesh poses a significant security threat to India, heightening concerns about regional safety and stability. This turbulence has the potential to exacerbate cross-border insurgency, as militant groups may exploit the chaos to strengthen their operations and infiltrate Indian territory. Additionally, the unrest could lead to an increase in unlawful immigration, as people flee violence and economic hardship in Bangladesh, seeking refuge across the border. This influx of migrants could strain resources and create further tensions in border areas.

Indian security forces are now faced with the critical task of bolstering defenses to prevent these spillover effects from destabilizing the region. They must enhance surveillance and border controls to detect and deter insurgents and manage the complexities of illegal immigration, which may involve both humanitarian challenges and security risks. The situation demands a coordinated response to safeguard national security and maintain peace in the border areas, ensuring that instability in Bangladesh does not undermine India’s internal security.

Political grounds: On the political front, it is essential for India to engage proactively with emerging leaders and influential factions within Bangladesh to ensure long-term stability and foster continued cooperation between the two nations. As the political landscape in Bangladesh evolves, with new leaders and factions gaining prominence, India must build and maintain strong relationships with these actors to influence positive outcomes and mitigate potential conflicts.

Strategic engagement with these rising political figures and groups will be key to navigating the complexities of Bangladesh’s internal dynamics. By establishing open channels of communication and fostering mutual trust, India can play a vital role in shaping a stable and collaborative political environment in Bangladesh. This engagement will not only help in addressing immediate challenges but also in laying the groundwork for sustained bilateral relations, ensuring that both countries can work together effectively on issues of mutual concern, such as security, economic development, and regional stability.

Furthermore, by supporting democratic processes and inclusive governance in Bangladesh, India can help promote a more stable political climate, reducing the risk of radicalization and political unrest. This approach will also enable India to better anticipate and respond to changes in Bangladesh’s political landscape, ensuring that its interests are protected and that the two countries continue to enjoy a strong, cooperative relationship in the years to come.

Humanitarian perspective: India ought to be prepared to help humans (by supplying them with vital aid). With its regional energy tag, India incorporates a positive quantity of strategic and ethical accountability to assist Bangladesh throughout these turbulent times. Providing humanitarian assistance, scientific care, food, and a haven for human beings experiencing homelessness will be essential.

Regional stability: The stability of religion in the region is deeply intertwined with broader geopolitical and economic dynamics. The disaster has far-reaching implications for the regional balance of power in South Asia. India, as the primary electricity provider in the region, plays a crucial role in maintaining this balance. Its position as a key intermediary not only affects the distribution of energy resources but also holds significant influence in shaping diplomatic relations and fostering stability. Consequently, India’s role as a middleman is vital in the pursuit of a peaceful resolution to the crisis, as its actions and decisions will have a direct impact on the religious and political equilibrium in the region. The interconnectedness of energy security, political stability, and religious harmony underscores the complexity of the situation and highlights the importance of India’s leadership in navigating these challenges.

This is Bangladesh’s second reckoning and the opportunity for a rebirth. This, too, is India’s probability of cementing its function as a South Asian stabilizing power. The India-Bangladesh relationship is now not simply bilateral but a partnership based totally on history, culture, and interests. At this vital factor for Bangladesh, India’s value will be increased more than ever as a neighbour and close friend. Both international locations must take into account the ties that unite them now greater than ever all through this disaster and work together.

The writer is an Indian technocrat, political analyst, and author. His social media handle is @prosenjitnth

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Impact of Bangladesh’s Political Crisis

How Will Bangladesh’s Political Crisis Impact India?

By Sanjoy Narayan

Last week, after taking over as the Chief Advisor to the interim government of Bangladesh, the Nobel laureate, Muhammad Yunus, 84, made a couple of statements that pertained to India. First, he said that Sheikh Hasina, who was forced to resign as Prime Minister, and flee to India should not be allowed to continue to stay there and that she should seek refuge somewhere else. He implied that her continued stay in India could complicate India’s position in the region.

Yunus also said that it “hurts” when India refers to the protests that culminated in Hasina’s resignation and departure as an internal affair of Bangladesh. He highlighted that the turmoil in Bangladesh is due to the “absence of democracy” and warned that the instability could spill over into neighboring countries. No prizes for guessing what that could mean.

Bangladesh has two neighbours with whom it shares borders. With India Bangladesh shares a very long and complex border. The total length of the India-Bangladesh border is approximately 4,096 kilometers (about 2,545 miles). It is significant for various reasons. It’s the fifth-longest land border in the world; geographically, it wraps around Bangladesh on three sides – west, north, and east; and the border passes through a variety of terrains, including rivers, forests, and densely populated areas, which presents unique challenges for border management and security.

Several Indian states share this border with Bangladesh: West Bengal, Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and Mizoram.

Indo-Bangladesh Relations So Far

India’s relations with Bangladesh since the country was liberated from Pakistan in 1971 has been multifaceted and complex. 

India has historically hosted a significant number of refugees from Bangladesh, especially during the 1971 Liberation War. However, the issue of Rohingya refugees who fled Myanmar has also been a point of concern, with both countries working together to address the humanitarian crisis. There are other contentious issues between the two countries. India has been raising concerns about illegal immigrants and measures like the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in Assam have been implemented to address this issue.

Yet, the two countries have significant trade between them.  India is Bangladesh’s largest export destination in Asia, with bilateral trade reaching $15.9 billion in the financial year 2022-23. Key exports from India include cotton, motor vehicles, and electronic equipment, while Bangladesh exports cereals, raw hides, and textiles.

India has extended significant financial assistance to Bangladesh, including an $8 billion line of credit for infrastructure development. Projects include the development of ports, railways, and road connectivity. Indian companies have invested in various sectors in Bangladesh, including power, pharmaceuticals, textiles, and IT. The investment climate has been favourable under Sheikh Hasina’s government, which actively encouraged foreign investment.

India and Bangladesh have strengthened their defence cooperation, focusing on areas like maritime security, counter-terrorism, and joint military exercises¹. Agreements have been signed to enhance cooperation in these areas.

Both countries have worked together to address security concerns, including cross-border terrorism and insurgency. Sheikh Hasina’s government took significant steps to curb anti-India activities from Bangladeshi soil.

India and the Geopolitics of South Asia

India with its massive population, economic size, and military power, is clearly the big brother in the region. And, just as the US and the Western block looks at India as a strategic ally and a counterfoil to China’s growing power in the world, India has sought to ally with its smaller neigbours to strengthen its own position. Bangladesh has been a key component of that strategy.

Sheikh Hasina was in power for a long time: first, from June 1996 to July 2001, and again from January 2009 to August 2024. Her party, the Awami League, was at the forefront of Bangladesh’s liberation movement led by her father Mujibur Rahman, and after his assassination and years of turmoil, Hasina was credited with restoring democracy and secularism in the country. Yet, in the second inning of Hasina’s reign, her regime became autocratic and authoritarian. Her political opponents were suppressed, imprisoned or even killed, and the general public grew increasingly restive. 

Her dramatic and sudden departure were a result of the escalation of what started out as student protests.  These began after a controversial court ruling reinstated a quota system for government jobs, which many saw as unfair and discriminatory. The situation escalated when Hasina’s government responded with a violent crackdown, leading to numerous deaths and widespread unrest.

The protests, led primarily by students and young people, were fueled by long-standing grievances over unemployment and government corruption. The government’s heavy-handed response, including the use of tear gas, live bullets, and the deployment of the Rapid Action Battalion, only intensified the unrest. The situation became untenable, leading to Hasina’s eventual resignation and her fleeing the country.

Impact of Hasina’s Ouster & Conspiracy Theories

Besides the cordial relations between the two countries, since 2014, Sheikh Hasina enjoyed a good rapport with India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi. In fact, one view, fairly popular Delhi’s power corridors, is that the student uprising may have had the backing of Pakistan’s biggest intelligence agency, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), and the Awami League’s arch rival, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which historically has had alliance with the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), an Islamist party, and is seen as pro-Pakistan.

Some Indian media outlets have lapped up this sort of a conspiracy theory and also alleged a possible Chinese role behind the scenes.

The fact is that although under Hasina Bangladesh, once considered a basket case, prospered economically, and most notably emerged as a global leader in garment exports, youth unemployment has been a serious problem. The percentage of youth between 15 and 24 seeking jobs unsuccessfully has been nearly 16% and the crisis has been marked particularly among educated youth. The student uprising was likely triggered because of this.

Hasina’s exit and the political uncertainty will impact India’s relations with Bangladesh. The new interim government may have different priorities and policies, potentially impacting ongoing projects and cooperation. Economic ties might face challenges if the new government does not maintain the same level of engagement and support for Indian investments. Trade relations could also be affected if there are changes in trade policies or tariffs.

Defence and security cooperation might be reassessed, especially if the new government seeks to balance relations with other regional powers like China and Pakistan. The handling of illegal immigration and refugee issues could also see changes depending on the new government’s stance and policies.

Some factors that might affect the relations include the fact that Mohammad Yunus, a respected name in microfinance, banking and economics, has little experience in hands-on high-level politics. Bangladesh has had a history of the army staging coups and playing a decisive role in the government. 

India will obviously be watching closely to see how the situation evolves in Bangladesh. How soon will Bangladesh be able to hold elections that are fair and free? Now that the BNP’s leader, Khaleda Zia, 78, who was under house arrest during Hasina’s regime, has been released, will she and her son, Tarique Rahman who was exiled in the UK make a bid for power? Perceived as pro-Pakistan and Islamist, a comeback of the BNP could adversely affect India’s strategy in the region.

Reacting to Yunus’s statements after he took charge, India’s Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) has reiterated that the situation in Bangladesh is considered an internal matter. However, India has also emphasised the importance of stability and democratic processes in the region and has maintained that India’s primary focus is on ensuring the safety of its citizens in Bangladesh and supporting a peaceful resolution to the crisis. Additionally, India has expressed its willingness to engage in dialogue with the interim government to foster stability and cooperation.

Like much of India’s foreign policies, its strategy in the region will be to address its own interests in ensuring stability in the region while also respecting Bangladesh’s sovereignty–a balancing act that will require tact. 

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Sheikh Hasina With Narendra Modi

India-Bangladesh Ties: Shared Interests, Mutual Progress

By Kunal Bose

As it often happens with translation so also with media reporting, speeches and observations made by politicians will not convey what are exactly said. To give one example, a leading Dhaka-based TV channel recently attributed to the Bangladesh foreign minister Dr AK Abdul Momen that during a recent visit to India he made a request to New Delhi that it should do everything that was needed to keep the government led by Sheikh Hasina in power. No denying that a senior politician like Momen will not be making a diplomatic transgression of that kind when in a foreign land specially. Bangladesh would not have been there had India not taken on the Pakistani army in what was then East Pakistan and fought off hostile noises by the then an unfriendly US Administration headed by President Richard Nixon. His principal diplomat Henry Kissinger infamously described Bangladesh as a ‘basket case’ that underpinned the US hostility towards the liberation war and India’s role in that.

After years of political and economic turbulences what Bangladesh has been able to achieve, especially since Hasina’s accession to power in January 2009 is remarkable, earning her plaudits even from unexpected quarters. In the pursuit of the goal to emerge from the status of a least developed country to first attain lower-middle-income status and then march forward to greater wealth creation and also to rid society of religious intolerances, extremism and violence, India has steadfastly stood by Dhaka.

India has self-interest in seeing Dhaka continues to do well economically. This country shares the world’s fifth largest land border of 4,096 km with Bangladesh along West Bengal, Assam, Tripura, Mizoram and Meghalaya. For many years since the birth of Bangladesh in 1971, India had to live with the problem of Bangladeshis, not necessarily the persecuted Hindus but people of all faiths sneaking on to this side of the border in search of livelihood.

The neighbouring country’s economy growing at a clip among the highest in the world since 2010-11 (July to June) with GDP growth registering an all time high of 8.15 per cent in 2018-19 though there was an unavoidable blip in the following year because of Covid-19 pandemic caused slowdown in economic activities and Bangladesh, according to the World Bank, having a per capita income of $2,503 in 2021 against $2,277 for India, the raison d’etre for Bangladeshis to cross the border illegally is no longer there. Moreover, the eastern and north-eastern states sharing borders with Bangladesh have all high rates of unemployment making them unattractive destinations for foreigners to stealthily move in with all attendant risks. Watchers of developments in Bangladesh, including foreign agencies say the transformation of the country’s economy is not due to good economic policies alone but also for consciously creating the ideal political environment for their execution.

An overwhelming Muslim majority country with population of around 170 million with many unsavoury past records of persecution of minorities, the Hindus and others forcing many families to seek shelter in India, it required Hasina and her faithful associates of deep conviction and considerable courage  to steer the country towards secularism and equal rights for all, irrespective of religion. Hasina recently said: “We want people of Bangladesh of all faiths to live with equal rights. You are people of this country, you have equal rights here, you have the same rights as I have… Please don’t undermine yourselves. You were born in this country, you are the citizens of this country.” At the same time, she is pained by attempts to give “colour” to any untoward incidents in a way as to show that the “Hindus don’t have any rights here. And interventions of the government in such unfortunate occurrences are hardly shown in a positive way.”

Like Hasina, her foreign minister Momen has also been a voice of reason, much to the comfort of Indian leaders. Not only did he inaugurate the recent Janmasthami festival celebrating the birth of Lord Krishna at Chittagong, but he will never miss an opportunity to remind people who matter in the two countries not to give any room to fundamentalists “who will be found in both places. Hasina rule has been a blessing for India which no longer is required to spend anything out of common on border vigil.”

Friendly relations, according to him, have created the environment for around 2.8 million Bangladeshis come to India every year as tourists and in turn “a few lakh Indians are working in our country.” Momen said: “We are very consciously avoiding reacting to any untoward incidents in India – take the case of a particular lady (the reference is to Nupur Sharma’s unfortunate remark on Prophet Muhammad that outraged Islamic nations and also saner sections of society in India) there making some avoidable observations that led quite a few countries to rise in protest – so that it doesn’t become fodder for the extremists in Bangladesh. You also have extremists in your country. Exercise of this kind of restraint is good for stability.”

ALSO READ: Bangladesh – The Next Asian Tiger

What Hasina and Momen are saying is as much in order to prepare the right environment for the Prime Minister’s Delhi visit from September 5 to 7 when she will be holding talks with Narendra Modi and other leaders on economic, water and defence issues and also to send a message to the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) led by Begum Khaleda Zia and her son Tarique Rahman that friendship with India is integral to Bangladesh’s economic progress and social cohesion. Mind you, BNP and some extremist groups are working to queer the pitch for Hasina’s Awami League ahead of the general elections due to be held December next year. BNP remains steadfast in arguing that for elections to be held in a free and fair way, a caretaker government should be in charge and not the election commission (EC) that the ruling dispensation has constituted under Kazi Habibul Awal, an eminent retired bureaucrat.

Effectiveness of EC in conducting elections is challenged on specious grounds that the shots will in any case be called by Hasina government. Interestingly, BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir gave the game away by saying: “Amidst all political turmoil, elections in Pakistan are held under a caretaker government.”

In fact, the Constitution of Pakistan provides for setting up of a caretaker government after dissolution of Parliament to hold general elections. Pakistan defence minister Khawaja Asif recently dropped hints in London that elections in his country would likely be held before the incumbent chief of army staff General Qamar Javed Bajwa lays down office November end. BNP secretary general looking up to Pakistan for ideas naturally is of concern to Awami League. Any attempts to disturb the march towards secularism under Hasina leadership is of concern to New Delhi since the Hindus still constitute close to 8 per cent of the Bangladeshi population. That country’s 2022 census report says the fall in Hindu population by 0.59 percentage points to 7.95 per cent in 2022 from 8.54 per cent in 2011 is mainly because of outward migration and lower fertility rate attributable to not marrying at an early age and practice of birth control. In spite of the shrinkage over the past decade, the Hindus are still in Bangladesh in large numbers and New Delhi would want them to live in peace.

Economic backwardness is no less a cause of social tensions than religious insanity. As Bangladesh continues to make economic progress, there is realisation in Dhaka that robust trade ties with India, China and other countries offering it more and more duty free and quota free benefits will be supportive of sustainable growth. India, on its part, has to remain economically active in its eastern neighbour to match China’s growing presence there, especially by way of investment in infrastructure projects and supply of defence hardware.

Ahead of her coming to Delhi, Hasina, much to India’s comfort has given a go ahead to start formal negotiations leading to signing of a comprehensive economic partnership agreement (CEPA.) Incidentally, even while some other countries, including China are pressing Dhaka for a similar agreement, Hasina administration wants such an arrangement first with India. A joint feasibility study by the two countries says CEPA will give a major lift to export earnings to Bangladesh by 199 per cent and 188 per cent for India. The study further says the expected boost to trade will lead to gross domestic product (GDP) of Bangladesh rising by 1.72% and that of India by 0.8%. New Delhi welcomes Dhaka agreeing that CEPA will be one of the principal issues to be discussed during Hasina visit.

According to UN Comtrade, India enjoys considerable trade surplus vis a vis Bangladesh with its exports to that country exceeding $14bn in 2021 while its imports from the neighbour were worth less than $2bn. Attempts will be made under CEPA to correct the trade imbalance to the extent possible. Bangladesh buys large volumes of cotton and cotton yarn from India for high degrees of value addition into finished garments for exports around the globe. It will be difficult to find a global brand which doesn’t procure large quantities from the thriving garment industry in Bangladesh. Indian raw material cotton and yarns made of that sustain garment manufacturers in the neighbouring country.

The continuing growth and success of garment manufacturing and exports came for praise in India’s 2021 economic survey saying India can take some lessons from its neighbour and focus on specialising in products where it is competitive. India-Bangladesh talks at all levels as a routine will too have focus on sharing of water of rivers that are common to both and an important source of peoples’ wellbeing and sustenance of farming. As many as 54 rivers, including the big ones such as the Ganga, Teesta, Muhuri, Feni and Kushiyara flow through both the countries and water sharing, particularly the elusive Teesta will be discussed by the two prime ministers based on the outcome of proceedings at the Joint River Commission meeting in New Delhi.

Friendly Neighbourhood Bangladesh@50

By Mahendra Ved

Fifty years is a long time, enough to look back and ruminate over the present, and Bangladesh’s emergence after a bloody struggle that changed South Asia’s map in 1971 is a good landmark.

The region has changed, and yet, little has changed if you look at millions living in poverty. Their governments pay them pennies compared to the pounds of preference the few get. Life expectancy has increased, but so have calamities, both natural and man-made.

In geostrategic terms, the heat of Cold War prevails. Russia, the erstwhile Soviet Union’s remnant, is replaced by a more aggressive China that has deep pockets and bigger ambitions. China has already gained access to the oil-rich Gulf and to the Indian Ocean. Ranged on the other side are Joe Biden’s ‘pivot’ and the just-emerging Quad. That lends importance to the largest portion humanity residing in the region.

Both alliances are expensive propositions, also designed to be exclusive. Does one have to join one or the other to stay afloat? During his Bangladesh visit last week, Prime Minister Narendra Modi projected the Southeast Asian model (Asean) for South Asia, suggesting that there can be smart, nuanced tweaking. But only that much, perhaps. He seemed to think beyond trade and transit.

On the ground, however, one can’t really say if South Asia — and the world itself — are a better place to live. Not with Covid-19 and the resultant war over vaccine-ing the pandemic. Not when economies are struggling to revive car manufacturing and civil aviation, but millions walk hundreds of miles to jobless safety of their homes. The contradiction was never so stark when you look back at 1971.

Fifty years ago, the world helped India to feed and shelter ten million refugees pouring in from the then East Pakistan. It responded to India’s huge effort at public diplomacy that brought together the likes of Pandit Ravi Shankar, Yehudi Menuhin and Beatle George Harrison to stage the “Bangladesh” campaign. People like Edward Kennedy chipped in. They sought to open the eyes of the Western governments blinded by cold war compulsions. When Bangladesh was liberated, finally, Andres Malraux called India the “mother”, who embraced her children no matter who they are or where they come from.

ALSO READ: Bangladesh – The Next Asian Tiger

We now live in a world divided by ‘nationalist’ barriers. On the day Modi embarked on his Bangladesh visit, his government told the Supreme Court of India, in the context of the Rohingyas from Myanmar, the current unwanted lot, that India “cannot be the refugee capital of the world.”

At geopolitical level, South Asia remains as divided as it was half-a-century back, depending upon which way you look. Everyone was, and remains, non-aligned – only the movement itself is dead. South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (Saarc) remains dormant, a hostage to India-Pakistan rivalry. Common cultures help maintain a semblance of unity. But they are hostage to faith-based extremism and violence.  Democracy is dodgy, limited to electoral games, while the rich-poor gap keeps widening.

Bangladesh is celebrating fifty year of hard-won independence, which also marks the centenary of its founding leader, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. At the helm is his daughter, Sheikh Hasina, the longest-serving Premier who has provided political stability and helped unleash economic development, making her country Number One on several human development counts.

But huge challenges confront her, not the least religious extremism in a nation of pious, conservative Muslims. Strong cultural mores, love for Bengali language and the considerable position women enjoy in the country’s economic well-being, give Bangladesh a unique place, not just in South Asia, but also in the Islamic world.

It helps India to stay close to a smaller, but self-assured, neighbour that, under Hasina’s stewardship has been most friendly. The two have learnt to resolve disputes and problems that can naturally arise along a 4,300 km border. Both sides need to work to maintain the high comfort levels in relationship that can grow to provide a role model for the region.

That it took them half-a-century to restore the mutual access that was disrupted after the 1965 India-Pakistan war shows that precious time was lost. With road, rail and sea infrastructure being expanded, the two can build on to mutual and regional advantage.  The Modi visit has seen pacts on vaccines to rains, technology to nuclear power.

Agree, geopolitics cannot be ignored. This is where Modi’s citing the Asean model provides a pointer for closer and wider economic relations. India needs to have a significant role in seeing Bangladesh graduate out of the LDC (less developed country) status in 2026.  

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Defence cooperation where China dominates is almost a new area for India. Past Bangladesh governments have fought shy of Indian defence supplies and cooperation for fear of being attacked as India’s ‘agents’. With her opponents marginalized, Hasina seems to have shed this reservation. India needs to move carefully on this if it wants to compete with the Chinese, given their money power and a better delivery record. Successes with Bangladesh could set examples for India in its neighbourhood.

India has invested billions to earn goodwill in the last decade. Modi did well, with an eye on the future, to offer scholarships to the young and invited entrepreneurs to come and invest in India. Economic interest in each other is the key, if only it can be worked and extended to the larger region. Bangladesh provides the jumping board.  

Both harked back to the past, but in different ways. Modi’s reference to “effort and important role” played by Indira Gandhi in 1971 was niggardly, to say the least. He belittled it further with a “me too” about his own having staged a Satyagraha as a youth. He may have. Mention of Atal Bihari Vajpayee in that context was a party add-on.

Old-timers would recall how opposition leaders those days had adopted postures as per their ideology, picking holes while broadly supporting the Indira government’s efforts. Some impatiently wanted her to launch an instant attack on Pakistan. You can expect only this much grace from our politicos those days, and now, especially with elections in Assam and West Bengal. Mercifully, the Bengali-speaking Assamese, allegedly illegal migrants, were not called ‘termites’ during the current campaign.

The missing link was the Congress, now marginalized at home. It was once a movement in East Bengal during the anti-British struggle and gave prominent leaders to the entire region. The era of Indira Gandhi, Jyoti Basu and Pranab Mukherjee is gone. India, whatever the new leadership, needs to build on it, not belittle it.

The year 1971 was tumultuous. It gave India its first military victory in centuries. It forced surrender of 93,000 soldiers, yet quit it after three months. This remains unique. It gave birth to a nation. Those of us who witnessed it can count themselves lucky.

The writer can be reached at mahendraved07@gmail.com