Congress supporters

Karnataka: Exit Polls Give Cong The Edge

Congress is expected to have a clear edge in Karnataka in the assembly elections held on Wednesday with four exit polls giving it a full majority and some predicting a hung assembly with an advantage to the party.

A few exit polls also said that BJP is ahead in the sweepstakes to form the government.
The exit polls, which were released after the polling ended in Karnataka, predicted that Janata Dal-Secular JD(S) would not touch the 37 seats it won in the 2018 polls but will continue to be a strong regional player in the state. If Karnataka throws up a hung assembly, the JD-S could emerge in the role of kingmaker.

According to India Today-Axis My India exit poll, Congress is poised to win a comfortable majority with 122-140 seats, BJP will get 62-80 seats, JD(S) 20-25 and others 0-3 seats.

A party needs 113 seats for a majority in the 224-member Karnataka assembly.

The poll of polls shows an advantage for the Congress with the party poised to win 109 seats, BJP 91 seats and JD-S 23.

News24-Today’s Chanakya predicted Congress crossing the halfway mark. It said BJP is poised to win 92 seats, Congress, 120 and JD-S 12 seats.

Times Now-ETG poll and India TV-CNX poll also predicted Congress hitting the majority mark. Times Now-ETG said BJP is expected to win 85 seats, Congress 113, JD-S 23 and others three.

India TV-CNX poll gave 80-90 seats to BJP, 110-120 to Congress, JD-S 20-24 and 1-3 to others.

Republic P-MARQ has predicted that Congress would get a 40 per cent vote share, BJP 36 per cent, JD(S) 17 per cent and seven per cent for independents and others.

The poll predicted that no party would get the majority mark in Karnataka with BJP poised to get 85-100 seats, Congress 94-108, JD-S 24-32 and others 2-6 seats.

The ABP-C Voter exit poll gave 83-95 seats to BJP, 100-112 to Congress, 21-29 to JD(S) and 2-6 to others.

TV9 Bharatvarsh-Polstrat poll predicted a hung assembly. It said that BJP would win 88-98 seats, Congress 99-109 seats, JD-S 21-26 seats and others 0-4 seats.

The Zee News-Matrize exit poll gave a clear advantage to Congress. It predicted BJP getting 79-94 seats, Congress 103-118 seats, JD-S 25-33 seats and others 2-5 seats.

The News Nation-CGS exit poll predicted a majority for BJP. It predicted that BJP will win 114 seats, Congress 86, JD-S 21 and others 3.

Asianet Suvarna News-Jan Ki Baat also predicted that BJP will be ahead of Congress with a better chance of forming the government. As per the exit poll, BJP is expected to get 94-117 seats while Congress would be close second with 91-106 seats.

It said JD(S) is expected to get 14-24 seats, while 0-2 seats would go to other parties.

In the 2018 assembly polls, BJP emerged as the single largest party with 104 seats, Congress won 80 seats and JD(S) got 37 seats.

The fiercely contested election that saw high-pitch campaigns from the political parties is crucial for both BJP and Congress.

BJP is keen to retain the only state it has in southern India to further expand its footprint while Congress is keen to gain momentum for its challenge in the assembly polls later this year and the Lok Sabha elections in 2024.

An incumbent government has not returned to power in Karnataka after a full term of five years since 1985. (ANI)

Read More: lokmarg.com

‘BJP’s Plans To Communalise Karnataka Politics Failed Miserably, Repeatedly’

Prof Muzaffar Assadi, who teaches Political Science and is Dean, Faculty of Arts in University of Mysore, analyses the forthcoming electoral battle in Karnataka. His views:

I concur that the coastal region in Karnataka is considered a testing ground for Hindutva politics. It is also true that the forces of Hindutva have made every effort to incite communalism in many regions of Karnataka, especially in the region that serves as the cradle of the Vokkaligas— Old Mysore. But they were unable to do so.

They used trajectories like azaan, halal and darghah, as well as fabricated two fictional characters like Uri Gowda and Nanjegowda, who, allegedly, killed Tipu Sultan, the Tiger of Mysore, in the final battle of Mysore. They also tried to boycott Muslim businesses, trade, etc., but they failed terribly. This failure has historical as well as modern causes, including the fact that Old Mysore never served as a hub for communalism, and it has no memory of the Partition or any of the ensuing relocation, violence, rape, etc. It has not also seen any conversions that were forced.

It’s interesting that Hindutva had to rely on a single Muslim ruler, Tipu, to construct a narrative about communalism. The most crucial factor is that there has been no Muslim backlash in Old Mysore. The entry of the Vokkaliga Pontiff, who, figuratively, prevented the Hindutva forces from spreading their tentacles, is another significant factor behind their inability to convert the ‘Heartland of Vokkaligas’. Hindutva in Old Mysore exploited powerful caste figures, especially to promote its narrative. This test has been unsuccessful once again.

However, the coastal belt is distinct. In the middle of growth and economic development, it is a region with a reputation for communalism. In the end, the adoption of the capitalist path of development after the 1970s, particularly after the implementation of land reforms, skyrocketing oil prices, opening up of the middle-eastern economy, the linking of local economy with the Bombay metropolis economy, etc., paved the way for competitive communalism long before the Ayodhya movement could establish itself in the coastal belt. It is paradoxical that the rise of communism and capitalism coexisted without annihilating one another.

Hindutva’s use of hate-based tactics is a continuation of its prior aim to control the local economic and socio-cultural spaces. Hate politics has been successful, but it has not been able to take over the local economy.

Minorities are still essential to its survival. Because of this, minority institutions like hospitals, universities, engineering colleges and public convent schools, are not the targets; instead, the narrative is constructed using a soft target! Its victims include women (hijab), butchers (halal), fishermen and small business-owners.

It is hardly unexpected that the coastal belt continues to be the base for Hindutva and the BJP, and its political affiliates, notwithstanding the anti-incumbency factor. Hindutva has strengthened its base through a set of caste-coalitions. The 3Bs — Bunts, Billavas and Brahmins — may be used to describe the coalition. Here lies the hierarchy — Brahmins as ideologues, Bunts as auxiliaries and Billavas as its foot-soldiers.

ALSO READ: BJP Fight For Karnataka May Go Down To The Wire

Despite the fact that the BJP has used a variety of tactics to stop the erosion of its support base, this time it will not be a cakewalk for the party. That the BJP has never achieved an absolute majority to form a government of its own is also true. ‘Operation Kamala’ was previously used, for the first time, to make Congress and JD(s) members defect, in order to form the government.

It is attempting to implement the ‘Gujarat Model’ by removing 82 incumbent MLAs, which, has given rise to discontent and defections. The BJP has tried to marginalize leading members of the dominant castes of Lingayats and Vokkaligas and has ended up in creating a ‘hurt psyche’. This will have an effect on the BJP’s social base, known as LIBRA — Lingayats and Brahmins — in North Karnataka. Not all Lingayats will switch their allegiance to the Congress, but, even a 10 per cent shift can significantly reduce the BJP’s chances of capturing power.

The anti-incumbency factor, the ‘Pay-CM’ narrative, the 40 per cent kickback narrative, the ‘Nandini/Amul’ controversy, the mistreatment of Lingayat leaders, including the marginalisation of the dominant castes, and its policy of stifling reservation to minorities, among other things, would undoubtedly help the Congress. There is a widespread belief that the Congress would benefit from Siddaramaiah’s clean image as the leader of the opposition who has minced no words to oppose Hindutva, along with the populist agenda he has initiated for the urban and rural poor.

Will Congress be able to form a government on its own? It hinges on its ability to survive ideological assaults, its demonstration of social commitment, its narrative about the victimisation of its leaders, its portrayal of leadership unity, and, eventually, its ability to forge an inclusive social coalition.

A few expectations have been articulated. One, a stable government at the helm for five years without any defection or falling prey to Operation Kamala; two, clean and good governance — addressing the issues of common man without nepotism, red-tapism, casteism; three, continuing the same populist programmes such as Anna Bhagya, Ksheera Bhagya etc; four, upholding the Kannada and regional identity vis-à-vis the Hindutva identity and cultural nationalism; and, lastly, bringing back the notion of a ‘cohesive society’ in the midst of growing communalism.

The narrator is writer of an upcoming book Colonial and Post-Colonial Identity Politics in South Asia: Zaat/Caste Among Muslims (Routledge).

As told to Amit Sengupta

BJP’s Fight to Win Karnataka Could Go Down to The Wire

BJP’s fight to win Karnataka could go down to the wire

The Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) surge in Indian states is impressive. Of the 28 states, the BJP and its political allies, rule in 12 of India’s 28 states and two union territories. Besides, a BJP-dominated alliance has been in power at the Centre since 2014 with Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the helm of it for the past nine years. The BJP’s sway across India’s states has been a strong trend. It has largely decimated its main rival, the Congress Party, and in many states, it has defeated prominent regional parties. 

However, the BJP’s clout has historically been the strongest in the northern states and the party has often been identified as being most influential in a vast swathe of India that is commonly called the “Hindi belt”. In recent years, particularly after coming to power at the Centre, the BJP has grown in popularity in other regions. In the north-eastern part of India, for example, in Assam, Manipur, Tripura, and Arunachal Pradesh, it is a BJP government that is in power; and in Nagaland and Meghalaya, the BJP is part of the ruling alliance.

It is a somewhat different story in southern India, though. In Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, and Kerala, the BJP has been largely unsuccessful in its bid to wrest power from its rival parties, including strong regional contenders. Partly this is because of the north-south divide that exists in India across attributes such as the economy, culture, and language differences. 

Except for Karnataka. In that state, the BJP brand of Hindutva has found significant favour. In fact, the incumbent government is a BJP-led one, albeit because of the support it gets from the Janata Dal (Secular), a regional party run by the family of the former prime minister H.D. Devegowda. In the 2018 elections, the BJP won 104 of the 224 seats in the state’s assembly and first sat in the Opposition but later got the JD(S)’s support to form the government.

So even in Karnataka, it hasn’t been a smooth run for the BJP. Trends and ground reports indicate that it won’t be so in the coming elections as well. In some parts of Karnataka, notably in the Mysore district and in the coastal areas of the state, Modi and his party enjoy popularity. Still, the fight in Karnataka will be a three-cornered one: between the BJP, the Congress, and the JD(S). The voting pattern in the state is also likely to be determined on the basis of the two main caste groups: the Vokkaligas and the Lingayats. Interestingly, the majority of the candidates that the BJP has announced are from either of those two communities. BJP is hoping to chip into the JD(S) and the Congress’s voting blocks by wooing the two communities. 

As the three parties up the ante in their campaigning, the BJP and the JD(S) have an edge over the Congress, which has been in a continuing state of disarray at the national level and has been declining in popularity continuously as the results of recent elections have shown.

Yet, it is not easy to predict how the BJP will fare in the coming elections. If it does not manage to get a clear majority, it will likely have to lean on the support of other parties, notably the JD(S) again. For the BJP, Karnataka is an important state. If it manages a decisive victory it could be the beginning of a larger foray into the southern part of India, a region that it has not been able to make a dent in till now.

AAP becomes a “national party”

The rise of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has been meteoric and impressive. It was formed in the winter of 2012, just10 years ago, emerging from a wave of anti-corruption protests helmed by the activist, Anna Hazare, who was later joined by other activists, including Arvind Kejriwal, who later founded AAP. His party first won the elections to the Delhi assembly, and more recently the elections in Punjab. Last week, in a significant step, the election commission declared that AAP was now recognised as a national party in India. 

According to the law, a registered political party is recognised as being a national party if it fulfills any of three conditions: the party is able to win 2% of the seats in Lok Sabha; it polls at least 6% of the votes in a general election or an election to the legislative assembly of a state; or it gets recognised as a state party in at least four states. 

With AAP’s recognition as a national party, India now has six national parties: the BJP, Congress, Bahujan Samaj Party, Communist Party of India (Marxist), the National People’s Party, and AAP. Significantly, the election commission withdrew the national status of three parties, Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), Trinamool Congress, and the Communist Party of India (CPI) because they no longer met the criteria.

What does the national status mean for AAP? It gives the party and its supporters a significant morale boost. For AAP and its leaders, who have ambitions of contesting elections in several other states in India, it gives considerable heft, if not materially, at least in terms of sentiment.

Pentagon leaks and what they mean

A large number of classified secret documents were discovered to be leaked from the Pentagon, the headquarters of the US Department of Defense last week. While a relatively junior, 21-year-old airman was held in connection with the leaks, the significance of the leak and their ramifications are of importance. 

The leaks related to various issues but chiefly were in connection with Russia’s war against Ukraine. Here are some of them: First, as recently as in February, the US government seemed to be pessimistic about Kyiv’s capabilities in defending Ukraine against Russian attacks. The documents said the US’ assessment was that Ukraine was not equipped to counter any fresh offensives by Russia this Spring. They said Ukraine’s air defence systems and availability of missiles against Russian attacks could fall short of what was needed. 

Second, the leaks suggested that the US had very deep insights into Russia’s military operations in the region. These related to Russia’s targets in Ukraine and also plans to offer bonuses to troops if they attacked and destroyed Nato tanks. They also detailed plans of Russian mercenary groups who could target their operations in other regions such as Haiti.

Third, the documents revealed details of 97 special force operatives from various countries including the UK, which were active in Ukraine. These special forces could be part of a concerted Nato counter-initiative in the region.

Fourth, the documents detail conversations between the United Nations secretary general Antonio Guterres and his deputy about a deal with Ukraine to export grains to ease a food crisis globally. The documents appeared to suggest that the UN chief might have seemed sympathetic to Russian interests and undermined efforts against Russia.

Other documents pointed to US efforts to get South Korea to supply weapons to Ukraine.South Korea has a policy of not providing weapons to warring nations.

Besides potentially souring relations between the US and Ukraine, the documents embarrassingly point to America’s scepticism about the UN secretary-general. They also reveal to Russia the extent of spying that the US is capable of and could lead to Russia adopting counter moves to prevent such information from leaking in the future. The leaks also show that the US could be spying on its allies such as South Korea. For the US, this is a setback to the trust and goodwill that its allies shared with the country

Ukraine woos India diplomatically

War-torn Ukraine has reached out to India seeking more support from the latter during the ongoing Russian offensive against the country. In an interview to an Indian broadcaster last week, Ukraine’s deputy foreign minister Emine Dzhaparova said her country wanted India to invite officials from Ukraine to G20 events and to have increased dialogue with the Ukraine government.

India is currently holding the presidency (it is a rotating assignment) of G20 and will hold a summit of the group in September. The G20 is a forum that plays an important role in shaping and strengthening global architecture and governance on all major international economic issues. India has not been a very vocal critic of Russia for its invasion of Ukraine. In fact, it has increased its imports of oil from Russia taking advantage of lower prices following sanctions of the Western bloc against Russia.

Ukraine’s move might be construed as a smart tactic to softly pressure India into playing a more active role in its support than has been the case thus far. The Ukraine move comes after the much-talked-about meeting between Chinese president Xi Jinping and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin recently, which has been interpreted as a further bonding between the two nations. India’s relations with China are fraught and while India has been maintaining a fine balance of not aligning itself with either Russia or the West, the time may have come to reassess its stance.

Premier arts institute hit by allegations of sexual harassment

Kalakshetra Foundation is a prestigious Chennai-headquartered arts and cultural academy dedicated to the preservation of traditional values in Indian art and crafts, especially in the field of Bharatanatyam dance and Gandharvaveda music. Last week the world-renowned haven of culture was in the news for the wrong reasons. For weeks, students have been posting online allegations of sexual harassment against staff members of the institute, which has been forced to sack three of its employees. The professor against whom the allegations have been made, Hari Padman, has been arrested by the police.

While investigations into the allegations are still on, the story began late last year when the first complaints started surfacing. Initially, the institute denied the charges and described them as false but with protests brewing over, the charges are now being investigated and action has been initiated. This hits the reputation and image of Kalakshetra hard.