‘M’ Factor And Malefactor

The ‘M’ Factor And Malefactor

He who fights with monsters might take care lest he thereby become a monster. And if you gaze for long into an abyss, the abyss gazes also into you.
 –
Fredrich Nietzsche

A certain obscure proposal is as obscure as the word coined: ‘Moditation’. That it should be added in the English language dictionary, surely, will not make the language richer. It’s like putting the man’s picture on a magazine cover, again and again. As editors, we compulsively avoided doing this.

The obsession with the camera, on many occasions, was witnessed when he visited a plethora of Hindu Gods. So much so, the Gods were often effectively sidelined. This is as much a reflection of an insecure childhood regression, as it is a repetitive act of crass, obsessive narcissism, to hide the deeper flaws in a man’s character.

And the flaws are not simply human flaws – some of them are soaked in the deliberate and documented enactment of collective nightmares of ordinary citizens of India, especially Muslims, in the blood and gore of genocides, as in Gujarat, 2002, and multiple mob-lynching; in the stoic silences of the our brilliant scholars, including opposition politicians, rotting in jails for years; in the everyday injustice which has stalked this unhappy land since the cursed summer of May 2014.

This M word has come to play, after all the other Ms used in this campaign by Mr M, including ‘Mujra’. Why ‘M for Monster’ was missing, would remain a mystery. ‘Mujra’ in Urdu and Hindi means salutations – paying one’s respect. It is also a metaphor for dancing girls of yore, who would dance on renditions from the finest Indian classical dances, with a feudal audience in rapt attention, who, were, often, the patrons of these forms of performing arts. Like the glorious and great life and times of Gandhi, a global icon since the freedom movement, which he has so predictably missed, of course, in Mr M’s ‘Entire Political Science’, even this word would have only a perverse meaning.

Like a fellow journalist cryptically commented on Saturday: “Perhaps he knows he has sinned, and sinned so much with not an iota of shame or introspection. That is why, this melodrama of one-day meditation with an army of cameras and security persons surrounding him. You just cannot eliminate your own past, can you? And where have you heard of meditation in front of so many cameras, situated on strategic angles, eyes-open-wide-shut? It’s morbid. Vivekananda would be turning in his secular grave!”

Many journos, for instance, are wondering: did he continue the so called meditation even in the thick of the tidal night, under flashlights and the cameras clicking continuously? Did he not eat and drink, or go to the washroom? Did he not think for once that his vote margin might be drastically reduced in Varanasi this time? Did he, or did he not, check, if the exit polls were ‘managed’ so that he can draw legitimacy in his final foray into power, till he joins the other Ms of his own making – the Margdarshaks – sidelined and dumped into the garbage can of BJP’s own dubious history?

Vivekananda famously said that you don’t have to do temple-hopping – you can find your God while playing in the football field!  He said in one of his discourses: “…Then we shall understand that we ourselves are groping in darkness, and are leading others to grope in the same darkness, then we shall cease from sectarianism, quarrel, arid fight. Ask a man who wants to start a sectarian fight, ‘Have you seen God? Have you seen the Atman? If you have not, (then) what right have you to preach His name you, walking in darkness, trying to lead me into the same darkness the blind leading the blind, and both falling into the ditch’?”

If he wanted to turn the tide in the last phase of elections in Bengal on June 1, actually, he might lose all the nine seats going for polls on that day. Besides, the BJP might lose big in all the 13 seats in Punjab, and much of Himachal, UP and Bihar. In Varanasi, if he manages a victory with a reduced margin – that itself would signal the final collapse of his biological mythology.

Apart from the Ms, Muslim-bashing, and mythical buffaloes, he and his Man-Fridays did not raise one productive issue stalking the soul of India — farmers, MSP, students, science, health, inflation, mass employment, gender justice, women’s empowerment, the tens of thousands dead during the pandemic when they simply disappeared from the final data, including the dead floating and rotting on the sacred waters of a filthy Ganga. Did he actually clean up the Ganga, as promised, or was it only a fake promise in that fake stretch in the fake touristy terrain of Varanasi, where so many temples were destroyed?

In Varanasi, the city of genius shehnai player, Bismillah Khan, smoking a bidi, as humble as ever, who would play for Goddess Saraswati on the ghats, another counter-narrative is at play. Women have disliked his crude reference of ‘Mujra’. They also hated the public degradation of what is a private and sacred space for Hindu women in India – the ‘Mangalsutra’.

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It’s like how women in Bengal hated it unanimously when he so infamously ridiculed their woman chief minister in a rally: “Didi O Didi!” This thoughtless public speech boomeranged. Mahua Moitra instantly came on TV saying that this is exactly how street-side loafers behave in the towns of Bengal. Indeed, even women in BJP-backed households hated it, and voted against him.

Besides, two other crucial issues have become a bone of contention in Varanasi. One, all the fancy cash-rich projects here have gone to Gujarati contractors. Two, while they were mesmerized in the beginning by the grandiosity of it all, the destruction of many ‘prachin’ Hindu temples in their deeply religious space has gone down badly for the people here. Even the Hindu Mahasabha, for some inexplicable reason, seems to have gone against him. This is bad news for Mr M.

So, no real issues, for the PM. Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge summed it up: “Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke about ‘mandir-masjid’ and other ‘divisive issues’ 421 times, referred to himself in the third person 758 times, referred to the Congress 232 times, and mentioned the INDIA bloc 573 times, but did not refer to the issue of unemployment and inflation even once in his election speeches in the past 15 days.”

A pained, former prime minister, Manmohan Singh, penned a letter to Punjab, before the final polls on January 1, in which he said that the current PM has indulged in the “most vicious form of hate speeches that are purely divisive in nature”. He said: “I have been keenly following the political discourse during this election campaign. Modiji has indulged in the most vicious form of hate speeches, which are purely divisive in nature. Modiji is the first prime minister to lower the dignity of public discourse, and thereby the gravity of the office of the prime minister.”

In contrast, none of the INDIA bloc leaders, even in their vehement criticism of the BJP, ever used a foul word, attacked any caste or community, or made personal remarks. They only raised crucial issues close to the heart of our suffering people, the deprived, marginalized, oppressed. They gave voice to the voiceless. They promised real, doable promises. They never said that they will make India a superpower, a trillion dollar economy, bring back black money from abroad, and will deposit Rs 15 lakh in every bank account. They also said that June 4 will mark the end of Mr M’s regime.

That would be the beginning of the end for a man drunk with power – who saw nothing but his own, artificially glorified, photo-shopped, self-image soaked in the eternal catharsis of narcissism. As Vivekananda said, and he never claimed himself to be prophet: … “You, walking in darkness, trying to lead me into the same darkness — the blind leading the blind, and both falling into the ditch.”

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Religion In Indian Politics

When Secular Is Mocked As ‘Sick-ular’

BJP has launched an aggressive election campaign on Hindu ‘victimhood’ that requires to be repaired (sic) with attempts to enforce its supremacy over others

Cradle of at least three and home of many more, India is what it is because of the multiplicity of faiths. Religion and religiosity are integral to its culture that has had a continuity few others have.

Call it mutual ‘tolerance’ or ‘acceptance’, Indians professing different faiths live together despite past foreign military invasions followed by conversions, whether they were forced by the sword, coerced through temptations or voluntary. There is assimilation even as people are sought to be divided on religious lines.

What is ‘secular’ in modern-day parlance has evolved with Indian connotations and convenience, just as what is ‘communal’ has to explain what is not ‘secular’. And ‘secular’ itself has undergone transformation from being anti-faith and irreligious to treating all faiths with equal respect. 

For two millennia-plus, India has remained pluralist and yet, in terms of numbers, overwhelmingly (79.8 percent) Hindu. 

And yet, the current election is witnessing an aggressive discourse on Hindu ‘victimhood’ that requires to be repaired with attempts to enforce its supremacy over others. Hindutva, the ploy used to give political turn to the majority faith, gives new twists to the very understanding of the terms ‘tolerance’ and ‘acceptance’. Secular is spelt ‘sick-ular’.  

Three top members of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) including an estranged member of the Gandhi ‘dynasty’ courted controversy last week for appearing to threaten people to vote for them.

A video showed women and child welfare minister Maneka Gandhi warning a Muslims’ gathering to vote for her or be shunned if she returns to power. “I am winning with the help of the people. But if my victory comes without the support of Muslims, then I will not feel good… “It will leave a bitter taste. And then when a Muslim comes for any work, then I will think let it be.”

The other new incident involved Sakshi Maharaj, a Hindu monk, who told a gathering in Kanpur that he would “curse” those who do not vote for him. “When a saint comes to beg and isn’t given what he asks for, he takes away all the happiness of the family and in turn gives curse to the family,” Maharaj said, adding he was quoting from sacred Hindu scriptures. He is facing 34 criminal charges, including alleged murder, robbery and cheating.

These offenders are from the ruling alliance. But in a growing list, politicians from other parties and alliances, like Navjot Singh Sidhu, Mayawati and Azam Khan, have also used religious ploys, sexist remarks, hate and intimidation to win support of the electorate even though soliciting votes on religious lines or threatening voters is prohibited.

The Election Commission, while struggling to maintain its authority and a semblance of fairness, has admitted before the country’s highest court that it is ‘toothless’ and ‘helpless’ before the offenders.

For the first time, the statutory body conducting the world’s largest democratic exercise has slapped token punishments of exclusion from public speaking, using its limited powers, to some of these offenders for violating the EC-set norms by appealing to religion or employing religion-related issues. But the punishment has been ridiculed by some who play to the public gallery and some others have repeated their offences.

Besides Sakshi Maharaj, ‘curse’ has become the new cussword. It is astounding that what one read in fairy tales and mythology is used today to damn opponents.

The most controversial curse has come from Pragya Singh Thakur, a lady monk connected with a Hindu extremist body, nominated by the BJP to contest. Unique and complicated, her case needs elaboration. She is on trial for offences ranging from conspiracy to murder and transporting explosives. For want of evidence, a special court recently exonerated her for the 2007 blast on Samjhauta Express, the train that links India and Pakistan. Seventy Pakistanis returning home and Indians visiting their relations in Pakistan died.

The court passed severe strictures against the investigators who first probed a Muslim group and then switched to “Hindu terror”, allegedly on political orders. In effect, none has been convicted and punished, even as India demands of Pakistan to try and punish those involved in the 2008 Mumbai terror attacks.

Thakur said she had ‘cursed’ the Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) chief, Hemant Karkare who she alleges tortured her. The police officer died fighting the Pakistani militants in Mumbai. Honoured posthumously, Karkare had also led the investigations against Thakur in other cases including one pertaining to blasts at a mosque. Thakur now declares that he died “within five weeks” of her ‘curse’. She later regretted her remark, but wants everyone who implicated her in terror attacks to apologise. 

Modi has defended her nomination, declaring that there is “nothing called Hindu terrorism.” Legalities apart, her nomination, while she is out on bail on health grounds, allows her to convert herself from a terror suspect and a victim of her investigators and the judiciary who were ostensibly doing their job, to a heroine upholding her faith.

Admittedly, Thakur is not convicted. She is among the many contesting this election, like others with criminal cases. But in nominating her, Modi and BJP that routinely hand out certificates of nationalism and tag anyone who disagrees with their dominant narrative as a traitor, are rooting for an accused in a terrorism case.

Individuals apart, how faith determines the fate of friends and adversaries is clear from BJP’s official Twitter account. It quotes party chief Amit Shah’s speech that explicitly declared that if re-elected, it would implement the Citizenship bill for the entire country and would act against all infiltrators who were not Hindu, Sikh or Buddhist.

The party’s stand on different communities is no secret. The important thing is the fear that this position elicits among potential voters.

Those obviously excluded are Muslims — invaders who stayed on to rule — and Christians, although those who came as traders and turned colonizers hardly exist in present-day India. The targets could be members of the 24 million community that accounts for 2.3 percent of the totally population.  But they are ‘outsiders’.

The most telling exclusion – one hopes it’s inadvertent — is that of Parsis, the Zoroastrian migrants from Iran who made India their home 14 centuries ago — in Gujarat, the home-state of Modi and Shah. 

The opposition has no answer to this campaign. By not countering the BJP on lynching and numerous other issues that pertain to the minorities and depressed sections of the society, the opposition parties by and large, but the Congress especially, have conceded to the BJP’s ideological narrative.

Sadly, Shah’s viewing the electorate as Ali-versus-Bajrangbali is finding tacit acceptance from rising urban middle classes. Unlikely to end with these elections, it is now a reality of our times, unlikely to go away.

One is sticking the neck out mid-way through the voting process, with its outcome barely three weeks away. Forget arguing over Modi’s development plank and his many achievements and failures, he could get a fresh mandate by dividing people on religious lines, instilling fear in them. But if he fails, it will be because a resilient society that has lived in plurality for long has its own silent, even if opaque, way of dealing with such attempts.

The writer can be reached at mahendraved07@gmail.com


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