Tag: Muhammad Yunus

Bangladesh’s Secular Credentials At Stake

By Kunal Bose

The Muslims are in an overwhelming majority in Bangladesh. Their share in the country’s population of nearly 170 million is slightly over 91 per cent, the 2022 population and housing census says. At the same time, worryingly the percentage of minority population has continued to dip since the founding of the country in 1971 because of its persecution by fundamentalists, whose ranks are growing. Incidentally, the Hindus with 7.95 share of population are the largest of minorities that also include Buddhists, Christians and Ahmadiyyas.

Many in Bangladesh and outside are deeply anguished that even while secularism along with nationalism, democracy and socialism are the fundamental principles in the preamble of the Constitution, attacks on minorities continue to rise and violence perpetrators go unpunished. The earlier the new dispensation in Dhaka realises that remaining true to the fundamentals of secularism not only will create the right condition for a democratic and socialist society but the economy will also benefit immensely if all live in peace and harmony.

Five Indian states have a combined over 4,000 km long border with Bangladesh of which 916 km are still to be fenced facilitating illegal movements. The exodus threat of minorities, particularly the Hindus, will only grow if their persecution persists. And their natural destination remains India.

In any case much to its mortification, India today is surrounded by unfriendly, if not hostile, neighbours. Leave out the Himalayan kingdom Bhutan, which is more like Switzerland equally well disposed to every other nation, the rest of India’s other immediate neighbours having undergone regime changes in recent times have no love lost for the largest south Asian country.

The birth of Bangladesh ending the subjugation of Bengalis, their language, culture et al by an ever hostile and domineering Islamabad was a revolution with support from India. That country has come full circle with the dethroning of Sheikh Hasina that ended an unbroken 15-year rule by the Awami League.

The change in August came about through swelling street protests with students in the forefront. Their prime demand that reservation of jobs for the descendants of freedom fighters after all these years was beyond challenge. What, however, totally unacceptable was mob rule that saw ascendancy of Islamist forces that in no time torpedoed whatever remained of the secular character of Bangladesh. Image of the country got sullied in the process in the eyes of democrats and liberals around the world.

ALSO READ: Hindus Persecution In Bangladesh Vindicates Need For CAA

Even while the interim government led by Muhammad Yunus, 2006 Nobel peace prize winner, continues to make unconvincing efforts to play down the persecution of minority communities, particularly the Hindus and the Buddhists, the world is aghast at secular living principles getting increasingly compromised in Bangladesh. Here it will be appropriate to quote from a report of the Bangladesh Hindu-Buddhist-Christian Unity Council that in the first 15 days of regime change, the Hindus and Buddhists were targets of as many as 2,010 attacks. Moreover, there were desecrations of Mazars (mausoleums of religious leaders), arson of Hindu temples and looting of minority properties. Harijan (dalit) colonies are not spared either by the newly energized Islamists.

The question now is whether New Delhi got the right inputs well in advance from its intelligence network that the new regimes in Sri Lanka, Nepal and finally Bangladesh would seek revision of equations with India. Perhaps not. If intelligence inputs were there well in advance of arrivals of crisis points, then New Delhi would have been better prepared to deal with the new situations in neighbouring countries instead of being taken by surprise. A nagging concern now is, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh may all be pivoting away from India and seeking closer ties with China.

All the three countries are part of China’s expansive Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) where the focus is on building infrastructure, road and port in particular. Infrastructure development requiring large investments is what these countries badly need. Though its BRI ambition has been scaled down of late due to its own economic woes and Beijing putting pressure on borrowing countries to properly service debts, including timely repayments, China has strategic compulsions to be accommodative when it comes to countries in the neighbourhood.

Such an analysis finds support in President Xi Jinping telling Nepal’s communist prime minister KP Sharma Oli during his recent three-day visit to its northern giant neighbour that China would help Nepal to be transformed from a land-locked to a land-linked country, facilitating trade. Furthermore, Xi gave Oli assurances of China’s continued support to Nepal’s economic development “to the best of its ability.” A secular trend among all the three countries is to pare their dependence on India signifying a greater degree of reliance on China for trade and economic cooperation. Incidentally, India happens to be the largest trading partner of Sri Lanka and Nepal, while it has the second largest share of Bangladesh trade, next to China.

At this point when disturbing developments are noticed across the world, leave aside India, one needs to read closely Yunus interview with Japanese Nikkei Asia for an understanding of Dhaka’s engagement in overhauling its foreign policy. The main thrust of the exercise is to undo many of the policy thrusts, especially close ties with India, of the Hasina regime. At the same he made it a point to describe China as a “friend,” which keeps on supporting “us in various ways from building roads, power plants and sea ports.”

Dhaka’s tilt towards Beijing is much in evidence. When it comes to India, Yunus appeared to give lip service as he said Bangladesh should have a “strong and cooperative relationship with India.” Sadly in the same breath, the interim government chief adviser made attempts to play down the seriousness of attack on minorities, religious leaders and places of worship to the disappointment of people across Bangladesh border.

Reacting to New Delhi’s rightful concern about the safety of Hindus, Yunus instead of being apologetic said: “Much of what’s being said about this issue is propaganda and not based on facts.” As the Hindus and Buddhists continue to live in fear, the Yunus statement is dismissed straightaway. A few days after the Nikkei interview, a US state department official visiting India expressed “deep concern about news of persecution of minorities emerging from Bangladesh.” Earlier, during the US Presidential election campaign and also afterwards, Donald Trump was unequivocal in condemning the violence against minorities in Bangladesh.

MPs from across the floor in the UK parliament have condemned the happenings in Bangladesh in strongest terms and urged the government to take diplomatic steps for protection of Hindus. In fact, Tory MP Bob Blackman has gone as far as describing the communal incidents in Bangladesh as an “attempt at ethnic cleansing.” The uncertain political situation in Bangladesh where life remains at risk finds expression in the recent UK government travel advisory telling its citizens not to travel to the south Asian country unless it is “absolutely essential.” The US travel advisory is no different. Both the Western countries will not rule out the possibility of “terrorist attacks” at any time.

That considerable sections of the Bangladeshi population are perceived as irreverent of faiths other than theirs is underlined by the UK advisory saying foreign nationals will be a risk in “crowded areas and at religious places and political rallies… Some groups (Bangladeshi) have targeted people who they consider to have views and lifestyles contrary to Islam.”

Now an ISKCON centre in capital city Dhaka has been burned down and its other establishments remain vulnerable to attack by religious zealots. Even while Sheikh Hasina as prime minister went on assuring safety and security of minority communities, the fundamentalists would not miss an opportunity to do harm to the Hindus.

No wonder, the Hindu population constituting over 20 per cent at the time of Independence came down to 7.95 per cent in 2022, when the last census was done. Will the Hindus and other minorities remain condemned to live in perpetual fear in Bangladesh or the international community be able to put pressure on Dhaka so that secular principles are upheld?

In other regional relations, Yunus called China “our friend”, saying, “From building roads and power plants to seaports, they’re supporting us in various ways”.

Hindus in Bangladesh Push Back Persecution

By Prosenjit Nath

The Hindu minority in Bangladesh has long faced systemic persecution, a history marked by sporadic violence, land grabs, and deep-rooted social discrimination. For years, the community has endured these injustices in silence, fearing further violence or retaliation from state and non-state actors. Yet, the growing tide of religious intolerance in the country has pushed many Hindus to break their silence and demand justice. One such event that galvanized the community was the recent arrest of Chinmaya Krishna Prabhu, a prominent Hindu leader and spiritual figure in Bangladesh. His arrest, which occurred under contentious circumstances, has sparked widespread protests and renewed calls for greater protection of Hindu rights in the country. The arrest of such a revered figure, amid increasing instances of violence against Hindus, highlights the deeply entrenched challenges that the Hindu minority faces in Bangladesh and the rising determination of the community to push back against their oppression.

Chinmaya Krishna Prabhu, an influential leader and a staunch advocate for the rights of Hindus in Bangladesh, has been at the forefront of promoting Hindu unity and addressing the concerns of his community. As the head of a religious institution that supports education, spiritual guidance, and social welfare for Hindus, he has been instrumental in providing a voice for those who have felt marginalized and oppressed. Over the years, Prabhu has consistently raised concerns about the deteriorating condition of Hindus in Bangladesh, particularly their exposure to targeted violence and institutional discrimination. His activism and vocal criticism of the political and religious climate in the country have made him a target for both extremist elements and certain sections of the political establishment.

The arrest of Chinmaya Krishna Prabhu came amid a climate of escalating violence against Hindus in Bangladesh, particularly following incidents where Hindu temples, homes, and businesses were attacked. These attacks were often attributed to religious extremists who sought to stoke sectarian tensions in a predominantly Muslim country. The trigger for Prabhu’s arrest was an alleged inflammatory speech that was accused of inciting communal hatred. While Prabhu’s supporters argue that the charges are politically motivated and meant to silence his activism, the Bangladeshi government contends that his statements were a threat to national harmony and peace. Regardless of the truth behind the accusations, Prabhu’s arrest has served as a catalyst for an unprecedented wave of protests across the country, signaling a tipping point for the Hindu community’s long-standing grievances.

For decades, Hindus in Bangladesh have silently endured numerous forms of persecution, with little recourse for justice. The history of their marginalization traces back to the creation of Bangladesh in 1971, following the country’s independence from Pakistan. In the aftermath of the war, the Hindu community found itself increasingly targeted as scapegoats, facing land confiscations, discrimination in employment, and attacks on religious sites. Over time, this climate of hostility only worsened, particularly with the rise of religious extremism and political Islamism. The government’s inability or unwillingness to address these grievances left the Hindu population feeling vulnerable and marginalized.

The attacks on Hindu religious sites, particularly during the annual Durga Puja festival, have been particularly shocking. These incidents are not isolated but reflect a broader pattern of abuse, where temples are vandalized, statues of Hindu deities are desecrated, and individuals are attacked for simply practicing their religion. What is perhaps more disturbing is the impunity with which these acts are carried out. In many cases, local authorities have either failed to intervene or have been complicit in these acts of violence, making it difficult for the Hindu community to seek justice. Despite this, Hindus continued to bear the brunt of such attacks with little resistance, largely out of fear of reprisal.

The arrest of Chinmaya Krishna Prabhu has acted as a wake-up call for many Hindus who have quietly endured these abuses for years. His arrest not only raised concerns about the freedom of speech and religious expression in Bangladesh but also highlighted the deep-rooted inequities faced by Hindus in the country. It quickly became clear that the issue was not simply about one individual’s arrest but a broader problem of institutionalized discrimination against religious minorities. The protests that erupted in the wake of his detention were not just about Prabhu’s release but about asserting the rights of Hindus to live without fear and to practice their religion freely.

ALSO READ: Muhammad Yunus – Walking A Tightrope

The protests have been widespread and diverse, with Hindus from different walks of life participating. Students, activists, religious leaders, and ordinary citizens have taken to the streets, demanding not only the release of Chinmaya Krishna Prabhu but also greater protections for the Hindu community. Demonstrations have occurred in Dhaka, Chittagong, Rajshahi, and other major cities, where people have marched, held sit-ins, and raised slogans against the increasing persecution of Hindus. The protests have been organized under the banner of religious freedom, equality, and justice, with participants calling for stronger legal protections for religious minorities and more accountability for those who engage in violence or hate crimes.

In response, the government of Bangladesh has attempted to quell the protests, citing concerns about maintaining public order and national security. Police forces have been deployed to disperse the crowds, and in some cases, protesters have been detained. While some members of the government have called for calm and dialogue, the overall response has been largely dismissive of the grievances of the Hindu community. The lack of a constructive dialogue between the state and the protesters has only deepened the sense of alienation among Hindus, many of whom feel that their voices are not being heard by those in power. For many, the arrest of Prabhu is symbolic of the broader struggle for recognition and justice that Hindus in Bangladesh face on a daily basis.

The increasing protests represent a significant shift in the way the Hindu community in Bangladesh engages with the state. For years, many Hindus had accepted their marginalized status as a consequence of their minority position in the country. However, the events surrounding Prabhu’s arrest have sparked a new sense of empowerment among the community, who are no longer willing to accept their status as second-class citizens. This shift is a reflection of the growing awareness that the community cannot continue to endure violence and discrimination without seeking justice. In this context, the protests have become not just a call for the release of one individual, but a larger demand for the recognition of Hindu rights and the establishment of a more inclusive society.

International attention has also been drawn to the issue, with human rights organizations and foreign governments expressing concern over the treatment of Hindus in Bangladesh. Reports from groups such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have highlighted the discrimination faced by Hindus, calling on the Bangladeshi government to take concrete steps to protect religious minorities. However, the government has largely ignored these calls, and international pressure has yet to result in any significant changes on the ground. Still, the global spotlight on the situation may offer some hope for the Hindu community, as international advocacy can sometimes lead to greater accountability and scrutiny of human rights violations.

The arrest of Chinmaya Krishna Prabhu is a turning point in the struggle for Hindu rights in Bangladesh. While the immediate focus has been on his release, the larger issue at stake is the protection of religious freedom and the rights of minorities in the country. As protests continue to grow in size and intensity, it is clear that the Hindu community is no longer willing to remain silent in the face of extreme cruelty. The demand for justice, equality, and respect for religious diversity is now a central issue in Bangladesh’s political discourse, and it is one that the government will no longer be able to ignore. The fate of Chinmaya Krishna Prabhu and the larger movement for Hindu rights in Bangladesh will be a critical test of the country’s commitment to human rights and religious freedom. In the coming months, the situation will likely continue to evolve, with the potential for further protests, government action, or even international intervention to address the concerns of Bangladesh’s Hindu minority. Regardless of the outcome, the events surrounding Prabhu’s arrest have set the stage for a new chapter in the struggle for minority rights in Bangladesh.

Muhammad Yunus – Walking A Tightrope

Muhammad Yunus – Walking A Tightrope

By Kunal Bose

Muhammad Yunus, chief adviser to the interim government of Bangladesh, who acquired global reputation based on promotion of microfinance, targeting women through Grameen Bank, is facing multiple challenges in his unexpected new avatar. For him to push political reforms and steering the economy through turbulent times will require of Nobel laureate Yunus to maintain cordiality with India, China and the US as well as maintain peace in the country by disciplining the students and not allowing extremist forces, including Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami and ISI sympathisers (their growing influence remains a cause for concern) to influence policymaking.

Once in the past, in 2006-07, Yunus following his fallout with the then prime minister Sheikh Hasina started dabbling in politics, including proposing constitution of a political party to be named Citizens’ Power. But the effort was abandoned soon because of perceived lack of support among the people. The announced philosophy of the still born party being “secularism and social liberalism” and politically positioned “centre to centre-left,” one gets a fair idea of which way Yunus will like Bangladesh to move, in case he gets a free hand, unbothered by the army and two student representatives (Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud) in the interim government.

Yunus was seen as somebody, who based on his past work in the country from giving women economic independence that changed their standing in the family and society to ushering in mobile telephony, ideal to heal the wounds on the body politic. While Yunus is man of the moment, he has to contend with several power centres, including the army. In the circumstances, many of the reforms that he may want to introduce before the general elections are held may undergo dilution because of pressures from vested interests, many inimical to India and favourably inclined to Pakistan. What in any case remains a concern even after the overthrow of Sheikh Hasina government over three months ago is the general disorder and regular circulation of rumours, causing fear and confusion among sections of the people.

Hasina government will be faulted on many counts, including muzzling of the opposition political parties and curbing freedom of the press and airing of criticism by civic society. But Hasina could claim credit for the country’s economic progress, particularly strengthening of the infrastructure and breakthroughs in agriculture that the country made under her watch. From a dangerously food deficit country and critically dependent on imports, Bangladesh is now a net exporter of a number of agri products. Let that progress in the farm sector (agriculture, forestry and fishing), accounting for about 12 per cent of GDP and providing employment to approximately 43 per cent of workforce be not derailed by prevailing uncertainties.

Sources in the caretaker government say the proposed reforms to clean the system will take time and therefore, the parliamentary elections will have to wait till early 2026. But such prevarications about the election schedule are much to the dislike of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which want the reforms to be carried out expeditiously preparing the ground for holding elections. Reforms apart, the caretaker administration cannot be oblivious to the UN General Assembly giving Bangladesh the target to graduate from a least developed country to a developing country by 2026 end. No doubt, the present circumstances are hardly propitious for taking a few more steps forward to reach that coveted target. In case the country returns to a functioning democracy, then that journey will become easier.

Back in 2016, Yunus subject to unrelenting harassment with all kinds of accusations, including a usurious moneylender, violator of labour laws and misuse of funds of the organisations he led could not think in his wildest dreams of leading the country at any stage. Therefore, as freewheeling liberals are prone to doing, Yunus spilt vitriol on Donald Trump at a meeting in Paris immediately on his winning the presidential election for the first time. Yunus then said: “Trump’s win hit us so hard that this morning I could hardly speak. I lost all strength. Should I even come here? Of course, I should. We must not allow this lapse into depression. We will overcome these dark clouds.”

ALSO READ: Bangladesh Regime Change – What Lies Ahead For India

But as things turned out, Yunus became chief adviser of Bangladesh, where anarchy prevailed and rule of law was at a discount, in August and Trump will now be on his second presidential term. Trump couldn’t have cared what Yunus thought about him. He in any case gives the impression that scurrility hurled at him didn’t bother him then and also now. What, however, is certain is that such airing of views, though well in the past, is not to go down well with the US Administration. It is believed that Grameen America and Grameen Research made handsome donation to the Clinton Foundation ahead of Hilary’s bid for US Presidency. That also will not be a brownie point for Yunus vis a vis the Republican Administration.

In any case, Yunus who is close to the Democratic Party and hoping to secure a favourable financial package had Kamala Harris won the election must have been rattled by what Trump said ahead of the poll in a Diwali message. Describing Bangladesh remaining in “a total state of chaos,” Trump said: “I strongly condemn the barbaric violence against Hindus, Christians and other minorities who are getting attacked and looted by mobs… It would never have happened on my watch. Kamala and Joe have ignored Hindus across the world.” What likely added to Yunus discomfort was Trump describing prime minister Narendra Modi as his “good friend.”

The Trump missive has brought some comfort to the Hindu community in Bangladesh, which for no reasons paid dearly in terms of lives lost and property destruction during and after the mass uprisings to remove Sheikh Hasina government from power. The 13.1 million Hindus constituting 7.95 per cent of the total 165.16 million population are the single largest minority in Bangladesh, according to the 2022 census. Because of persecution by sections of the majority community, especially in the countryside and migration to India, the percentage of Hindu population is down from more than 22 per cent in the 1940s to less than 8 per cent now. Braving all kinds of attack and harassment, including filing of cases of anti-national activities against minority community leaders, Hindus, Christians and Buddhists have started holding impressive demonstrations in the country’s major cities protesting against their unchecked victimisation.

In the meantime, Indian-American Congressman Raja Krishnamoorthy has urged the US State Department to do the needful for protection of Hindus and other minority communities in Bangladesh. Yunus, as also the army in Bangladesh, will do well to remember that for the country to take a leap to developing country status, it will need financial and technology support of developed countries and unhindered access to their markets. The image of the country will be sullied and foreigners will be wary of dealing with Bangladeshis if the Islamist forces are allowed to run a jihad against the minority communities.

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Muhammad Yunus: A Reformer or A Pariah

By Kunal Bose

Myanmar is under military dictatorship since February 2021 when the army seized power in a coup. The unsavoury development that sent shock waves through the democratic world marked the end of a nearly decade of civilian governance in Myanmar, which is one of the poorest countries in the world. Expectedly but causing global outrage, the junta first detained her at home and then put the democratically elected Aung Suu Kyi in solitary jail confinement denying a frail lady medical care and right kind of food. The 78-year old woman seen as a symbol of democracy is nevertheless condemned to a jail term of 33 years after sham trial on charges ranging from corruption to violation of official secrets Act to unauthorized imports of gadgets.

The UN Security Council passed a resolution in December last calling for release of Suu Kyi and thousands of her followers. A host of countries, including the US, the UK and the European Union have imposed a number of sanctions, which, no doubt, are proving hurtful for the military regime. Now in an image improving move, the junta has reduced Suu Kyi’s prison sentence to 27 years from 33 years, as if the reduced sentence will ever again allow the politician to enjoy freedom.

If incarceration is the price Suu Kyi is paying for her campaign for democracy and human rights, there is a growing fear that the Bangladesh based economist widely known across the world whose ground level development work has lifted millions, the overwhelming majority being women who never had any access to bank credit or aware of their entrepreneurial skills, is not unlikely to meet the same fate as Suu Kyi.

Muhammad Yunus is facing a raft of allegations relating to tax evasions, receipt of funds from foreign sources without government clearances, tax evasions and violation of labour laws. What awaits Yunus will be known when the court completes hearing on the litany of charges against him. Incidentally, both Suu Kyi and Yunus are Nobel laureates. Suu Kyi getting the Nobel Peace award in 1991 for her non-violent struggle for democracy and human rights was a booster for those engaged in fighting autocracies and military regimes.

The same award was bestowed on Muhammad Yunus and his path breaking venture Grameen Bank in 2006 for their work to “create economic and social development from below.” But as the experience of Suu Kyi and Yunus will show a Nobel is no guarantee against persecution and harassment by the powers that be in some parts of the world.

Even in India, the management of central varsity Visva-Bharati will not stop complaining that Professor Amartya Sen (1998 Nobel economics laureate) whose maternal grandfather Kshitimohan Sen worked closely with Rabindranath Tagore in building the university has remained in “illegal occupation” of some land at Santiniketan in West Bengal. Is all this not happening because Professor Sen has remained steadfast in criticizing most New Delhi policies and persecution of minority communities?

Let’s see where the three countries stood in Press Freedom Index 2022 compiled by Reporters Sans Frontieres: India came 161 among 180 countries in 2022; the same year Bangladesh was at 162; and Myanmar was at a disparaginglyl low of 176. Across the world Press freedom is atrophying. But alarmingly more so in some countries helmed by illiberal regimes. We have recently seen attempts of muzzling and harassment of a group of Delhi based senior journalists after they published a report on Manipur based on a visit to the highly disturbed north-eastern state and interviews.

Enraged by the report saying that there are “clear indications that the leadership of the state became partisan during the conflict,” the police filed criminal charges against the journalists, including Editors Guild president Seema Guha for misrepresentation of facts. Whether it is Bangladesh or India, the democratically elected leaders at all levels are becoming increasingly sensitive to criticism that befit rulers seizing power by force or by staging coups. Democracies are expected to nurture civil society instead of circumscribing its space. But the culture of free debate, criticism based on facts allowing a hundred ideas (with apologies to Chinese Communist Party campaign of 195657) to flourish is fast disappearing in many places.

Not only that, the once celebrated social enterprises – Yunus earned celebratory status by championing the sector and running a global campaign that big companies should also have a social business on the side where the motivation will not be to earn profits but do good to those left out of development – and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) no longer find favour with the government. Over the years, many social businesses in developing countries have grown in size, become profitable and social influencers making them target for the politician-bureaucrat nexus to seek to control them. More and more NGOs are coming under scrutiny and their licence renewals are either postponed inordinately or denied. The worst happens as Yunus is experiencing if at any point social entrepreneurs betray political ambition. They may renounce that desire at some stage, but still they will remain suspect in the eyes of the authorities.  

Why is prime minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed so hateful of Yunus – she doesn’t stop calling him names besides “bloodsucker” of the poor charging them extortionist interest rates – even long after removing him from the office of CEO of Grameen Bank in 2011? Isn’t it because Yunus dabbled in politics in 2007, however briefly that might have been when Bangladesh was under military rule and Hasina was in detention? The perception remains with Awami League and its supreme leader that he was propped up by the US and would do things to enable it to control the Bay of Bengal.

Yunus is painted as the villain for the World Bank reneging on the funding of the country’s most ambitious infrastructure project, a bridge on the river Padma linking southern districts with Dhaka, in 2012. In recent times, the economist had had occasions to tell the Press that he was not cut out to be in politics. Moreover, at 83 he cannot be imagined as a political risk.

ALSO READ: Food Security – Is Bangladesh Already There?

That, however, will not wash with Hasina government. Instead of getting any relief from the daily agony, Yunus is experiencing a rise in his persecution. The trigger for his troubles started over a decade ago when a Norwegian documentary alleged that the donations that Grameen Bank received from an aid agency in the Nordic country in the 1990s were diverted to a sister organization and then brought back as loans. In subsequent investigation by the Norwegian government nothing incriminating was, however, found. But then, according to Awami League government, Yunus has to clear himself of many other grave charges in the court of law. As it would be the case, global leaders, including former US President Barack Obama, former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and over 100 Nobel laureates have told Sheikh Hasina in an open letter that “one of the threats to human rights that concerns us in the present context is the case of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus. We are alarmed that he has recently been targeted by what we believe to be continuous judicial harassment.”

At the same time, a UN rights office spokesperson complains that “Yunus has faced harassment and intimidation for almost a decade… While Yunus will have the opportunity to defend himself in court, we are concerned that smear campaigns against him, often emanating from the highest levels of government, risk undermining his right to a fair trial and due process in line with international standards.” All this appeal is not, however, going to cut ice with Dhaka. The country’s law minister Anisul Huq while dismissing all such submissions as “unwarranted” sees these as “external interference in the country’s judiciary.”

Whatever happens to Yunus, the posterity will remember him for making microfinance available to millions of Bangladeshis, the overwhelming majority of them being women earlier never considered creditworthy. He can take credit for making poor women entrepreneurs by giving them small loans, which they make it a point to return. In an interview with Harvard Business Review published in December 2012, Yunus said: “Women used to hold less than 1% of bank loans in Bangladesh. So when I created Grameen, I wanted to make sure that half of the borrowers were women. But when we approached them, they said, ‘I don’t know what to do with money. I’m afraid of money. Give it to my husband.’ And I thought, ‘This is not the voice of the women. This is the voice of history, of the system, which created fear in their minds… We saw that woman borrowers brought so much more benefit to their families. Women want to build up something for the future with their money. Men want to spend it enjoying themselves. So we changed our policy to focus on women.”

It also goes to his credit that seeing how quickly microfinancing took roots in Bangladesh and liberated millions from poverty, illiteracy and bad health, many developing countries, including India replicated the programme with varying degrees of success.

When HBR wanted Yunus to react to the statement that “microfinance has also come under fire in recent years, he was blunt in saying: “The problem is not microcredit. It’s using the idea for the wrong purposes. Some programmes in India treated microcredit as an opportunity to make money. They blew it up and went to the stock market to float IPOs and so on. And that created all the tension… In some places even the loan sharks call their services microcredit. But we have no problem at Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, because microcredit has remained mission-driven. We want to help poor people. We don’t see them as an object for making money.”

Now Grameen Bank is firmly under government control. Yunus is old and there is no question of his again be associated with the organisation he created from scratch in any capacity. But let him not be hounded any longer. Let Dhaka listen to what world thought leaders are saying. Allow Professor Yunus to spend the rest of his life in dignity and peace.