A Bitter Laddu To Swallow

A Bitter Laddu To Swallow

Never firmly held inside, the genie of religion has escaped the proverbial bottle in tradition-bound India. The political slugfest over the ‘purity’ of laddu offered to the deity at the Tirumala Tirupati shrine in Andhra Pradesh and then to millions of devotees, even online across the globe, has raised a spectre that all concerned ought to have avoided.

Confining the debate to the Hindus – 15 billion and 14.27 per cent of the global population – no prayer or ceremony is complete without prasaad. Partaking it individually, as a family or member of a community is the outward expression of piety. The controversy over ‘contaminated’ laddus has created doubts and anguish in the minds of millions. Devotees continue to throng the shrine and place orders, reports say. But doubts shall linger till the controversy is resolved, which seems some distance away.

The ghee (clarified butter) used for making laddu is allegedly mixed with lard, fish oil, pork fat, beef fat and other cheaply available ingredients, according to Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu who blames his predecessor, Y S Jaganmohan Reddy’s rule. He had the samples tested in various labs and rushed to the media, apparently without realising the damage he was causing to the shrine that has disbursed it for over two centuries. ‘Tirumala Laddu’, which received the geographical identification (GI) tag in 2009, has been popular among devotees for well over a century.

It is universally acknowledged that politics, especially electoral politics, has seized Naidu, back in power after two decades and determined to stay, to demolish his arch-rival and predecessor. That he blames the latter’s rule, as if everything was fine before and is fine now, betrays his intent.

The Supreme Court told him on September 30: “When you (the Chief Minister) hold a Constitutional post… we expect Gods to be kept away from politics. If you had already ordered (an) investigation, what was the need to go to the press? The lab report came in July… your statement came in September. (And) the report is not at all clear…”

The court battle has only begun. Was the apex court late in pronouncing that “religion and politics cannot be allowed to mix”? The sordid episode shows that India is paying the price for mixing religion with public life, especially politics, even as its economy surges and its leaders strive for a place at the global table. Sadly, it starts with those holding the highest offices. Their lending legitimacy has given piety colours that are supremacist and betray ‘otherness’.

Who started this mixing, when and why, is a debate that began earlier and will persist even after the one over laddu is resolved with the help, as it increasingly happens on numerous issues, from the highest court in the land. The practice of faith, any faith, although an individual choice, is no longer free from the scrutiny of the guardians of law, of faith, community and the vigilante some political parties spawn. As people, to use Indianism, we are like that only!

That Naidu should have done this and earned a reprimand from the apex court is unsurprising in India’s current political and social ethos. But it is painful to see the regression of a man who was once the posterboy of India’s IT revolution. During his earlier stint in power, he midwifed “Cyberabad” city and was rightly hailed as a visionary wedded to modernity. He cemented that reputation with a capital city for his now-truncated state. He must take the blame and more, since he is a key partner in the alliance ruling the country.

ALSO READ: Keep Gods Away From Politics, Says SC

For, he has shown the way to others, incredibly, to the majority of Hindus, making his allies in New Delhi uncomfortable. Demands have risen in many shrines across the country that the government should cede control of religious shrines. It is mind-boggling to think of the management, well-being – and now the cooking and distribution of prasaad – at an estimated 650,000 larger temples, as per a 2022 count. The demand is misplaced.

Though unfortunate, unsurprising again, is the flurry of twists and turns the laddu is being subjected to. Jaganmohan, like many Reddy families, is a Christian. It did not matter earlier. But now he says, and Naidu denies, that the police blocked his entry.

It has touched filmdom. Actor Prakash Raj, a secularist, appeals to Naidu against playing with public sentiments. Actor-minister Pawan Kalyan demands that Raj should talk of the “atrocities on Hindus in Bangladesh.” Kalyan goes a step further seeking a national-level vigilante force, Sanatana Dharma Rakshana Board.

One may argue that the shrine, the world’s richest with an annual revenue of ₹5,200 crores, needs to be better managed. Andhra Pradesh’s ruling class has made its management body, Tirupati Tirumala Devasthanam (TTD) its battleground. From corporate czars to judges to academics and politicos – all want to be on it. That the board is reconstituted every five years when the incumbent government is ousted, demonstrates the significance of its predominance for a government. But so are other shrines where public funds and faith, both, are the key. As they deal in billions, corruption charges routinely fly around as one set of management replaces the other. Their upkeep, security and crowd management (deaths of devotees due to stampedes) also need constant checks.

As for the prasaad many shrines distribute (there have been cases of food poisoning) adulteration is a common offender. Tirupati has brought out the aspect of ghee. Around 3 lakh laddus are made daily in the temple kitchen using about 15,000 kg of ghee. Several litres of cow milk (four per cent fat content) priced at ₹70 per litre are needed. Matching use of sugar/jaggery is also needed. The use of dry fruits and saffron, expensive again, some devotees complain, has reduced over the years.

The charges of adulteration stem from these huge and expensive daily needs. Citizens, worried at the laddu issue escalating, want it to be confined to adulteration. But then, Indian manufacturers/traders are notorious – difficult to say more or less than their counterparts elsewhere.

All consumables are subjected to adulteration – from asafoetida to zeera (cumin). Petroleum wax in white butter, paraffin wax in chocolates, mineral oil in sweets and much more, you are told, are added to ensure their longer shelf life. Left unsaid is: leave the length of your own life to the almighty!

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Chandrababu Naidu

Vijayawada ACB Court Extends Chandrababu’s Remand Till Oct 19

Vijayawada ACB court on Thursday extended Telugu Desam Party (TDP) Chief N Chandrababu Naidu’s remand in the alleged multi-crore skill development scam case till October 19.

“Inquiry on Chandrababu’s custody and bail petitions is adjourned till tomorrow. ACB Court Judge said that she would hear the arguments of both sides tomorrow. Meanwhile, the judge has extended judicial remand till the 19th of this month’, said Pramod Kumar Dubey, advocate of Chandrababu Naidu.

Earlier, the former Andhra Pradesh chief minister and TDP chief was arrested by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) on September 9 in connection with the multi-crore skill development scam case, leading to apolitical turmoil in the state with several TDP leaders alleging that the arrest was nothing but a political “witch-hunt” and that Naidu was held on the basis of false allegations.

From candle marches to rallies, TDP workers have been demanding the release of Chandrababu Naidu by venting their outrage across the country.

Earlier, Chandrababu’s wife Bhuvaneshwari offered special prayers at St. Paul’s Lutheran church at Jampet, Rajahmundry for the release of the TDP chief.

People also gathered inside the church with banners in their hands, condemning the arrest of Naidu.

Earlier on Monday, TDP National General Secretary Nara Lokesh and party supporters on staged a hunger strike at Lodhi Estate in Delhi against the arrest of the TDP Chief and former Andhra Chief Minister.

The party workers held ‘I am with CBN’ posters demanding the release of Former Andhra Pradesh CM Chandrababu Naidu.

A parallel protest was also stage by Naidu’s wife Nara Bhuvaneshwari who joined party workers on a hunger strike at Rajamahendravaram in East Godavari district against Naidu’s arrest.

The Supreme Court on Tuesday gave no interim relief to Telugu Desam Party (TDP) chief and former Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu in the skill development scam case. The court will hear Naidu’s plea next Monday. ANI)

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Chandrababu Naidu

Actor, Politician Kalyan Exits NDA To Support Chandrababu Naidu

Actor and politician Pawan Kalyan on Thursday said that he has come out of BJP-led NDA to support TDP during difficult times.

He said that Janasena TDP is needed for good governance and development of Andhra Pradesh.

“TDP is a strong party and Andhra Pradesh needs the Telugu Desam Party for good governance, for the development of the state. Today TDP is in a struggle we will support them. TDP needs Janasainks young blood support in this situation.

“If TDP and Janasena join hands YSRCP will be submerged in the state,” Pavan Kalyan said in a public meeting held at Pedana, in Krishna District.

On September 14, Pawan Kalyan had visited Chandrababu Naidu in the Rajahmundry Central Jail where the latter has been lodged after he was sent to Judicial custody in a “skill development scam”.

Janasena party chief Pawan Kalyan had attended a meeting of the NDA held in Delhi on July 18. Speaking after the meeting the actor, politician said that his party would support PM Modi’s vision.

“The entire meeting was extremely good and we discussed Atmanirbhar Bharat, skill India. And from our (party) side I promised PM Modi that we will stand by his vision and we will give our best” Pawan Kalyan had said.

Pawan Kalyan had also proposed an alliance of TDP, BJP, and his party in Andhra Pradesh) to fight YS Jagan Mohan Reddy’s YSRCP in Andhra Pradesh. The BJP had yet to make a decision on this.

Now Pawan Kalyan has decided that his party will no longer be part of the NDA.

In the last assembly election in Andhra Pradesh in 2019, Pawan Kalyan’s Janasena had won just one seat with 5.6% vote share while the TDP had won 23 seats with 39.7% vote share. YSRCP swept the polls winning 151 seats with 50.6% vote share.

Meanwhile TDP supremo Chandrababu Naidu continues to be in judicial custody. The ACB Court on Wednesday had adjourned the hearings on the bail and custody petitions of Chandrababu Naidu in the Skill Development case till October 5, Pramod Dhube, his advocate said.

“Arguments were heard from both sides in today’s sessions,” he had said.

The former Andhra Pradesh chief minister and TDP chief was arrested by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) on September 9 in connection with the multi-crore skill development scam case.

TDP National General Secretary Nara Lokesh Tuesday said the Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister was implicating Opposition leaders in false cases and his father’s arrest was nothing but a political witch-hunt. (ANI)

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TDP Chandrababu’s Arrest

TDP Leaders Protest Across Andhra After Chandrababu’s Arrest

Telugu Desam Party (TDP) workers held a protest on Monday in Chittoor against the arrest and judicial custody of former Andhra Pradesh CM and TDP Chief N Chandrababu Naidu.

The TDP activists pelted stones on a bus in Chittoor district as the Road Transport Corporation (RTC) bus came out of the depot. Protestors also set tires abloaze on the road.

Expressing solidarity with TDP leader Nara Chandrababu, who was arrested and sent to custody in the alleged skill development case, the TDP has called for a bandh across the state. The AP police have enforced Section 144 across the state.

On Monday State Police also tried to detain several party leaders including TDP MLC Kancherla Srikanth in Chittoor district as a preventive action to maintain law and order in the state.

Even as the police moved to detain TDP MLC Srikanth he staged a sit-in on the road and raised slogans against the Jagan Mohan Reddy government in the state.

Protests were also held in Tirupati and West Godavari districts against the arrest and judicial custody of Chandrababu Naidu.

Naidu was arrested by the Andhra Pradesh Criminal Investigation Department (CID) on Saturday in connection to an alleged corruption case.

He was later sent to judicial custody on Sunday for 14 days, till September 23, by the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) court in Vijayawada in connection with the alleged Skill Development Corporation scam.

The case pertains to the establishment of clusters of Centers of Excellence (CoEs) in the state of Andhra Pradesh, with a total estimated project value of Rs 3300 crore, as per the officials. (ANI)

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Chandrababu Concerned Over Rising Farmers Suicides

Chandrababu: Concerned Over Rising Farmer’s Suicides

The Telugu Desam Party (TDP) national president and former Andhra Pradesh chief minister N Chandrababu Naidu on Saturday expressed serious concern over the “rising number of farmers suicides” in the State.

In a series of tweets, Naidu said that without focusing on such serious public issues, it is really ridiculous that the State government is again talking about united Andhra Pradesh. The State that created history once in the progress of agriculture and aquaculture has recorded 1,673 suicides by farmers in the past three years, Naidu said.
The anti-farmer policies being adopted by the State Government are throwing the agriculturists into a deep debt burden, he said, adding that lack of Minimum Support Price (MSP) and withdrawal of subsidies are forcing them to commit suicides. The State Government is adopting a vengeful attitude towards the common man and is harassing the people for no reason, which is also resulting in a large number of people taking away their lives, he said.

The TDP chief further said when such serious issues are haunting the people throwing them into disappointment and depression, the YSRCP government, instead of focussing on them, is irresponsibly making statements on united Andhra Pradesh, which is not in their hands. This is nothing but to throw the public into utter confusion and also to divert the public attention from these serious issues, he stated.

The YSRCP leaders who did not open their mouths on the funds that are due to the State as per the provisions of the State Reorganisation Act are now making statements on united Andhra Pradesh only to misguide the people on its failures, he said.

In fact, the state suffered more losses due to the YSRCP rule rather than the State bifurcation, added Naidu. (ANI)

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Raze, Rebuild, Repeat

At a distance from India’s current political discord and economic slowdown, but inevitably connected, has begun a spree to demolish what is there and to build afresh — state capitals, cities, conference complex and more.

Take New Delhi. It is barely a century-old, when other world capitals, ancient and modern, stay where they are. Over a dozen old cities that preceded it were invaded, occupied, abandoned and re-occupied over two millennia. Now, the first case of massive refurbishing is about to begin.  

The Parliament’s present complex will become a museum. Radical changes await the vast boulevard that stretches from Rashtrapati Bhavan, the presidential palace on the Raisina Hill to India Gate. Built post-Independence, Dozens of government office buildings built around it post-independence, will be demolished and re-built into modern, supposedly environment-friendly glass-and-concrete structures. On Friday, March 20, the Centre approved the land use change for execution of the Central Vista redevelopment project with the issuance of a notification to Urban Affairs ministry. The face of the Government of India built during the British era by Sir Edwin Lutyen is set to change.

ALSO READ: An Idea Fraught With Risk

There is tearing hurry, it would seem. A new triangular Parliament will be ready by 2022. Only, estimates of the entire exercise are not worked out. The security angle is high, with plans to re-locate the Prime Minister’s residence close by and a tunnel to connect it with the office.

It is nobody’s case that new constructions should not come up or old ones should be repaired. But no priority, no rationale is put forward. The total cost is going to be staggering. 

Save Le Corbusier-deigned Chandigarh, a resource-starved India did not build a major city for a half-a-century. After years of discord, Haryana and Punjab settled for Chandigarh that also houses its own administration.

Perspectives have changed with the century. Chhattisgarh built Naya Raipur without much acrimony. But Uttarakhand, created on the same day doesn’t have a capital after 19 years. Gairsain, centrally located – near the tri-junction of Almora, Garhwal and Chamoli districts, was to be the state capital. But Dehradun located in the state’s extreme corner remains the ‘temporary’ capital.

Five successive governments have failed to take decisions. The state that was created essentially to undo severe neglect of the Himalayan hills when under Uttar Pradesh still has its capital in the plains.  Once-pristine ‘Dehra’ is getting congested, but its political pull is too strong for any government to consider a shift.  Just symbolically, one legislative assembly session is held at Gairsain.

If New Delhi is planning its splurging, the state satraps are having their own. In Hyderabad, which is five year-old Telangana’s capital, Chief Minister K. Chandrshekhar Rao, has built a sprawling hundred million rupees mansion that can beat the palace(s) of the erstwhile Nizam, the princely house that was one of the world’s richest in the last century.

In 2014, when Telangana was carved out of Andhra Pradesh, it was decided that Hyderabad would remain the joint capital of the two states for a maximum of 10 years. But Rao pushed Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu to build a city for himself. Naidu, who created Cyberabad, India’s first Information Technology hub, took the challenge.  From here starts the southern splurging saga that has gone haywire.

ALSO READ: TDP’s Praja Vedika Stands Demolished

Naidu nursed Amravati, locating it on the banks of Krishna, harking back to “the glorious capital of the Satavahanas,” the ancient kingdom that ruled the Deccan region for five centuries.

He needed 33,000 acres of land. To encourage farmers to give up their land voluntarily for the project, his government launched a land pooling scheme. Publicized as farmer-friendly, the scheme was, however, seen as the state government’s way of circumventing the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013.

Naidu also managed funds from abroad and brought a Singapore consortium on board. His ties with the Narendra Moi-led government were never close enough to get central funds. That Modi’s party aspired to make political gains at Naidu’s expense was also a factor.  And then, Naidu lost the elections last year to his rival, neither to the Congress nor the BJP, but to debutante Jagan Mohan Reddy.

By that time, work at Amravati, touted as a world capital, was 60 percent complete. It has involved Rs.10,000 crores investments from various agencies including central government assistance of over Rs.2500 crores.

Prior to the political change of guard, Amaravati was bustling with construction activity and tenders for projects worth Rs. 43,000 crores were already issued. The World Bank had agreed to finance the Singapore consortium. Now, investors have vanished.   

A green-field city with its revenue generating urban centric developmental model with an estimated three million population in next ten years is now being demolished even before it is born. The futuristic vision of Naidu, which he hard-sold to the people, especially the farmers who surrendered land, now lies shattered.

Jagan Mohan Reddy’s government is alleging wrongdoing and wants the city project, now at standstill, completely scrapped. There is none to ask what is to be done about the huge effort at constructing the city and the money that has gone into it.

That’s not all.  Reddy has mooted three different capitals for the state. He wants legislative capital retained in Amravati, judicial capital moving to Kurnool and the executive capital shifting to the coastal Visakhapatnam. Why a state having 13 districts needs, three capital cities, remains doubtful. Critics cite South Africa’s failed three-city experiment.  

Allegations fly around in any such project — they did even when Chandigarh was built. Jagan and his party leaders are being accused of inside trading of lands around Visakhapatnam, just as Naidu group was accused of doing around Amravati. 

Cash-strapped Jagan — the state has been revenue-deficit since 2014 and has run a debt of over 2.5 lakh crores — is lobbying with Modi for “special status” for the state, which means more funds. The unstated offer is willingness to join, or stay close to, the ruling alliance. Letting the kilkenny cats fight, the Centre last week refused to intervene.

That, again, is not all. Reddy has got two bills passed envisaging three capitals in the Legislative Assembly where his party enjoys a brute majority. But the Legislative Council where Naidu’s party has the majority has stalled the bills, sending them for further deliberation to the Select Committee. Now, Reddy wants to dissolve the upper house itself to push his three-capital project!  

The two regional satraps, instead of making a collective effort to salvage Amravati, are running highly personalized and caste-based political campaigns, damaging social harmony and the economic progress.

The writer can be reached at mahendraved07@gmail.com

Chandrababu Naidu, Naveen Patnaik, Mamata Banerjee And Mayawati

Do Regional Parties Hold The Key?

The performance and preference of regional parties will be watched closely as they could play a crucial role in deciding who forms the next government in the event of poll results throwing a hung house

While the various pre-poll surveys for the upcoming Lok Sabha election have predicted that the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance has an edge over its opponents, they have also forecast that “others” or regional parties not aligned with either the saffron party or the Congress, can win anywhere between 100 to 138 seats.

The performance of these regional parties needs to be watched closely as they could well play a crucial role in deciding who forms the next government if neither the BJP-led alliance nor the coalition stitched up by the Congress is unable to cross the half-way mark in the 543-member Lok Sabha. The regional parties do not have a wide-enough presence to form a government on their own but they are certainly in a position to play kingmaker in case of a hung Lok Sabha.

The “non-aligned” regional parties can be broadly clubbed into two categories. The Biju Janata Dal, led by Odisha chief minister Naveen Patnaik, the Telangana Rashtra Samithi, headed by Telangana chief minister K Chandrasekhar Rao and YSR Congress Party’s Jagan Mohan Reddy in Andhra Pradesh. All the three parties maintain they are equidistant from the two national parties but will have no qualms in going with the winner.

In fact, it is informally accepted by BJP leaders that these three parties will be amenable to a post-poll deal with them if their alliance falls short of the requisite numbers. From all accounts, the three parties are well-placed in their respective states and their leaders have not given any reason to believe that they will not be willing to do business with the BJP if it comes back to power.

The second category of regional parties includes Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party, Akhilesh Singh Yadav-led Samajwadi Party, N Chandrababu Naidu’s Telugu Desam Party and Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress. Their home states – Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh – collectively account for 147 Lok Sabha seats.

It is expected that these regional satraps will not align with the BJP and will instead drive a hard bargain with the Congress-led alliance after the elections. This will, of course, depend on the final tally and whether this grouping is in a position to form the government.

This was evident from Mamata Banerjee’s speech at an election rally in West Bengal’s Raiganj constituency on April 9 where she declared that the Congress will not be able to form a government on its own and that “the Rahul Gandhi-led party will have to seek help from others if it wants to form a government at the Centre”. The Trinamool chief is playing to win a maximum of the 42 Lok Sabha seats in her home state West Bengal so that she is in a position to call the shots after elections and, maybe, position herself as a Prime Ministerial candidate. To improve her acceptability outside West Bengal, Banerjee has directed that her party’s press conferences held in Delhi be conducted in Hindi. One such press meet was held on the eve of the first phase of elections on April 11.

All attention is currently focused on former bitter political rivals in UP, the BSP and the SP, who have now joined hands along with Ajit Singh’s Rashtriya Lok Dal to take on the BJP in the electorally crucial state. They have deliberately kept the Congress out of this alliance as they would like to maximize their gains in the election to be able to negotiate from a position of strength after the polls.

It has become imperative for this grand alliance (maha-gathbandhan) to succeed on the ground not only because the survival of the regional parties is at stake but also to weaken the BJP in Uttar Pradesh where the party bagged 71 of the 80 seats in the 2014 Lok Sabha polls. Though the BSP failed to win a single seat and the SP was reduced to four seats thanks to the Modi wave, the two parties have posted good results in the past.  

A good showing by these regional forces this time will improve their political fortunes in Uttar Pradesh and, at the same time, give them an opportunity to decide who forms the next government at the Centre. Like Mamata Banerjee, Mayawati is also looking to play a larger national role. Though her party’s vote share has been declining, the BSP has fielded candidates across states to bump up her tally by garnering a sizeable number of Dalit votes. Mayawati made her intention clear when she told her party cadre recently that she may have decided to keep away from the electoral fray but this will not impede her chances of becoming Prime Minister as she has the option of contesting a Lok Sabha election within a period of six months.

Chandrababu Naidu is pragmatic enough to realise that he is not in the race for the Prime Minister’s post but he certainly has ambitions of playing a kingmaker at the Centre. After he parted company with the BJP over his demand to secure special status for Andhra Pradesh, Naidu has made consistent efforts to bring together opposition parties on a common platform. He played a similar role in 1996 when a set of regional parties formed the government at the Centre by cobbling together a coalition. The hurriedly forged United Front forced the Congress to lend it outside support in order to keep the BJP out.

Naidu, who was the convener of the United Front, has now predicted that 1996 will be repeated this year. In other words, he is convinced that regional forces will be at centre stage while the Congress will be the pivot of this grouping. The game plan of the regional parties is self-evident. They want to be in the driver’s seat and want the Congress to align with them but on their terms.

Regional parties have realized their potential ever since coalition politics became a recurring feature of Indian polity in the late eighties. Having a presence at the Centre gives the regional leaders a place at the high table, helps them push the interests of their respective states and even influence national policy.

For instance, Mamata Banerjee walked out of the Manmohan Singh government in protest against its policy to open up the retail sector for foreign direct investment. Similarly, the Trinamool chief did not allow India to sign the Teesta river water sharing treaty with Bangladesh on the ground that it did not favour West Bengal. Regional autonomy and preserving the country’s federal structure are the buzz words in a coalition era. But, most important, a role at the Centre also ensures personal protection for the regional satraps and their party members as many of them are guilty of misdemeanors and need necessary legal safeguards.

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