Democratic Azad Party

Cong Fired Missiles At Me, I Only Used 303: Ghulam Nabi

Former Union Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad, who ended his five-decade-long association with the Congress said he only retaliated with a 303 rifle when leaders from his former party fired missiles at him.

Addressing a public rally in Jammu and Kashmir’s Bhaderwah on Thursday, Azad said, “They (Congress) fired missiles on me, I only retaliated with a 303 rifle and they were destroyed. What would have happened had I used a ballistic missile? they must disappear.”

Meanwhile, he avoided commenting on the late Indira Gandhi and Rajeev Gandhi.

“Since I have been a member of the party for 52 years and consider Rajeev Gandhi to be my brother and Indira Gandhi to be my mother, I have no desire to even use words against them.”

Earlier in his first public meeting in Jammu after quitting Congress, Azad announced to launch of his own political outfit that would focus on the restoration of full statehood.

“I’ve not decided upon a name for my party yet. The people of J-K will decide the name and the flag for the party. I’ll give a Hindustani name to my party that everyone can understand,” he said.

Azad has been Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir from 2005 to 2008.

On August 26, Azad in a letter to Congress President Sonia Gandhi resigned from all positions of the Congress party including the primary membership of the party.

In his resignation letter to Sonia Gandhi, Azad had targeted party leadership, particularly Rahul Gandhi, over the way the party has been run in the past nearly nine years.

In the hard-hitting five-page letter, Azad had claimed that a coterie runs the party while Sonia Gandhi was just “a nominal head” and all the major decisions were taken by “Rahul Gandhi or rather worse his security guards and PAs”.

Azad had said he was submitting his resignation with “great regret and an extremely leaden heart” and severing his 50-year association with the Congress. He was earlier Leader of Opposition in Rajya Sabha. (ANI)

Can Amarinder Singh Save Congress?

Insinuations about the Nehru-Gandhi family’s ‘Muslim’ past, made by their cultural/political foes, are old. But for the first time, during a very toxic campaign for Delhi Assembly elections, Firoze Gandhi was called “Firoze Khan”. None from the Congress party that the family heads, objected, ostensibly out of fear that the issue would get communal hue. Congress is politically frozen. It needs a new leader.

It’s delicate. Criticizing Congress leaders/cadres for this is difficult when Nehru-bashing even by union ministers is the in-thing and when lawmakers question Mahatma Gandhi’s role in the freedom movement. But all this, besides weakening of secular ethos for which India is known, underscores the decline that the party has suffered over the recent years.

Assessing this decline is also not easy, indeed, difficult to define, when the party still has three scores of Members in Parliament (out of 800-plus) and rules, singly or jointly, in major states like Punjab, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra.

The other, more important, aspect of this political reality is declining vote share, of its leaders and activists, young and old, jumping off the ship and turning vocal critics, overnight as it were, to get accepted in their new parties. But most important, over a long period now, is the low reached in the vote-catching influence of its top leadership.

ALSO READ: Is Congress Really Rudderless?

More glaring are the inertia within and directionless approach, of losing states – Goa, Arunachal Pradesh, Haryana – despite numbers and being outsmarted by rivals. The worst is the public ridicule to which the party and its leaders are subjected to in social media-driven information explosion and a low-level public discourse.

The latest instance of all these is the Delhi polls that saw the Congress drawing a blank, yet again, cementing its vote-share loss during the parliamentary polls in 2014 and 2019. Sixty-three of its 66 candidates lost deposits, after ruling for 15 years straight in this small but politically important national capital.  

Newbie Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has almost entirely hijacked the Congress’ support base. Elsewhere, across the North – Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal, much of the North-East and the South – it has long ago lost out to regional parties.

Placed in similar dire stress after losing in 2004 and 2009, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) recovered. It held on to states where it wielded power with strong chief ministers and eventually, found its national leader and vote-getter in Narendra Modi. Mounting this process was its larger cultural/political family. The Congress does not have this, even as its mass base is eroding.

ALSO READ: Nation Rising Up, Opposition Holed Up

India’s oldest party is stuck with the Gandhis, who are neither able to deliver, nor able/willing to give up. A ‘temporary’ president, Sonia Gandhi, had headed it the longest, for 19 years, earlier. She is known to be ailing and keen to retire. Her reticent son Rahul, resigned after a disastrous performance last summer and asked for selecting a “non-Gandhi” to lead. But nearly five decades of the family rule has totally benumbed the party, at all levels, into not even looking for a new leader or a set of people who can provide coherent, collective leadership. For want of a better word, the party is in coma.

The Delhi debacle and prospects of Rahul returning to lead, likely next month, if only to relieve his mother, have brought the prolonged crisis to the fore. Reports indicate a silent demand, a muffled one so far, for a “non-Gandhi.”

Reports also indicate deep discord and disarray within the family. Sonia wants Rahul to return, but does not seem to trust his choice of aides and his decisions – and not without reason. The “old guard” around her clashes with the ‘new’ one close to Rahul. The difference between the two is that the ‘old’ is really old and now rootless, while the ‘new’, by and large of young techies and managers, never struck roots.

Much was made of Priyanka and her resemblance to grandma Indira Gandhi. But repeated electoral outcomes show that the present-day voter’s memory is too short for that. If Priyanka is the alternative to Rahul, she is also the sitting duck for a government that is vigorously pursuing cases against husband Robert Wadra.

Rahul tried, with limited success last year, to by-pass his 24X7 ridicule. His ill-advised choice of campaign issues and gaffe-prone performance went against him and the party.  

To be fair, the Gandhis are a decent lot. Rajiv, the last Gandhi to rule was extremely decent, too. But that is not enough in politics. They are expected to deliver each time, often as the lone rangers. Absence or internal elections leaves them with leaders, but no workers.

The Congress’ shrinking cadres need leader(s) who actually perform full-time and not during the elections; who can rub shoulders, literally, with the crowds. Past sacrifices, charisma and token reach-outs with photo-ops, without support on the ground have not worked, and will not in future.

This is not the Congress of the Mahatma and Nehru who were relatively tolerant of dissent. Indira ended it, appointing leaders from the top and turning the party into a family estate. Although the Gandhi family was not active from 1991 to 1998, Narasimha Rao could not be without its overcast shadows. Ditto Manmohan Singh who had no base, no say in the party.  She lacks understanding of Indian social and psychological traditions. She must be credited, though, for forging alliances that earned the Congress power in 2004.

When Sonia entered politics in 1998, some left, dubbing her a ‘foreigner’. Today, some Congressmen clamour for the return of one: Sharad Pawar. Conventional wisdom still places Congress as the Opposition’s rallying point – only if it strives to organize and act.

The party is unsure of its ideological direction. Adopting “Soft Hindutva” has failed. The task of countering the BJP’s majoritarian agenda is extremely daunting when secularism means being pro-Muslim and thus, “anti-national.”        

The Gandhi-centric working has marginalized strong and credible Congress chief ministers Amarinder Singh (Punjab), Kamal Nath (Madhya Pradesh), Ashok Gehlot (Rajasthan) and Bhupesh Baghel (Chhattisgarh). Decision-making by a weak leadership and anxiety to hold everyone together have left these older satraps fighting with younger rivals.

Generational changes have been most painful in Congress whose Treasurer is 92. None retires in India, anyway, irrespective of age and health.

The Gandhis need to take political sabbatical, completely, if not quit. Let Amarinder Singh head the organization, with young, strong support from the likes of Sachin Pilot and Jyotiraditya Scindia. Lok Sabha needs an articulate Shashi Tharoor.

But naming names is futile till the party that is wedded to only one name acts. There is still time, last chance, perhaps, to stem the rot.

The writer can be reached at mahendraved07@gmail.com

1984 RESURFACES, BADAL EXPLOITS, BENGAL CONGRESS SICKENS


th August, he described the Congress as well as the AAP as “anti-Punjab, Punjabi and Punjabiat”. Asking people to ensure a “complete wipeout” of both the parties in the upcoming assembly polls in the “larger interest” of the state, Badal said that the Congress had harmed the state “religiously, economically and socially” and AAP was treading on the same path.
Badal said it was Congress which perpetrated “planned attack” on Sri Harimandir Sahib as well as the 1984 Sikh genocide, which tormented the Sikh psyche. However Badal failed to look at his own party’s track record on what it had done to bring the culprits to justice and succour to the victims or their families.
The Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) has been in power, along with its partner Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) for nearly a decade and had also had a stint in late 1990s. There could have been no better opportunity to bring the perpetrators to book with the BJP now also enjoying a comfortable majority in Lok Sabha.
Simply blaming the Congress, which of course does not deserve any sympathy on this count, and not initiating prompt and time bound action rings his criticism hollow and few Punjabis, particularly Sikhs, would be prepared to swallow Badal’s rhetoric hook, line and sinker.
The short lived first Kejriwal government had announced formation of a Special Investigating Team (SIT) to reopen the closed cases pertaining to the 1984 massacre. However the proposal had got stalled after the fall of the government. Then just two days before Kejriwal was to take oath after a remarkable victory, the Modi government had announced setting up of an SIT in February 2015. It was supposed to submit its report within six months and was later given an extension of one year. However no significant progress has been made by it till now.
“The SIT has made no progress. Now an apprehension is growing in the minds of people that the SIT was just an eyewash to prevent us from forming an effective SIT,” Kejriwal mentioned in a letter to the prime minister recently. “I would urge you (Modi) to get your SIT to do something or wind it up and allow the Delhi government to set up an SIT which will do a proper investigation and bring justice for the victims,” he added.
Senior advocate and AAP leader H S Phoolka too had reminded SAD of its promise for reopening and re-investigating 237 cases of 1984 anti-Sikh riots which were closed but has pointed out that little has been done for securing justice for victims or punishing the guilty.
There were reports in media recently that the SIT was likely to re-open around 186 cases related to the 1984 massacre in Delhi and states like Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra. Over 3,000 Sikhs were killed and as many as 2,733 deaths were reported in Delhi alone. A total of 587 cases were registered by the Delhi Police, of which 241 cases were later closed. Four of these cases, however, were reopened in 2006 and one in 2013. A total of 35 persons have so far been convicted in the cases. However none of the big guns, who reportedly instigated the mobs, were tried and punished and this has always remained a sore point with the Sikhs.
AAP leader Bhagwant Mann has said that the Congress had a poor track record in dealing with such cases and it was equally true of the BJP and its electoral ally SAD. He said the leaders of these parties had been only shedding crocodile tears with an eye on the elections.
[su_pullquote]The attack on Sri Darbar Sahib in June 1984 and the massacre of Sikhs in Delhi in 1984 are both one of the most shameful events in the history of India.[/su_pullquote] They continue to put a distance between the nation and many Sikhs around the world. The country has not given justice on either count.
Instead politicians continue to prey on sentiments and rake these issues up near elections. When in power, they seem unwilling to do anything. If Badal is sincere in his contempt of Congress for the attack, why not ask for an enquiry into the attack on Sri Darbar Sahib and why not use visits to the PM for a quick result on the SIT. After all Akali Dal and BJP are partners in power.
Justice should not be the hostage of electioneering politics. It has to be delivered on its own merits. As for the Bengal Congress tweet, Rahul Gandhi should come clean on what his position is on his father’s statement, “When a big tree falls, the ground shakes”.  This tweet gives him an opportunity to condemn it and to extend an apology to the victims. He can also give his support to ask for a speedy SIT.