‘BJP Will Pay Dearly In Haryana Elections For Mistreating Our Women Wrestlers’

Sunita Tyagi, a retired academic, and Dr CD Sharma, a physician, from Haryana speak on the likely impact of the women wrestlers’ protest on the upcoming Haryana elections. Their views:

The peaceful and difficult struggle by our world champion women wrestlers, and against all odds, has sent multiple, positive messages. Their himmat and big heart has sent a message of hope to ordinary women and girls in Haryana and across the country. Their struggle is quite unprecedented, given the status of women in Haryana. They have truly shown the way.

People in Haryana, which is their home state, and especially women, feel a deeper linkage with them.  However, women did not join the protests as much as was expected. Even men, who take up cudgels whenever there are inter-caste marriages in the state, or, if there is a case of live-in relationship involving a woman and man, why did they not show the same anger against the sexual harassment faced by young women of the state in the hands of a history-sheeter bahubali backed by the might of the entire BJP apparatus in the state and the Centre. Why was the male ego not hurt? Where was their sense of pride and honour when they saw the ‘Haryana ki Beti’ being hounded by the regime, and dragged on the streets of Delhi?

Thankfully, the farmers and their families stood with our young women, who are also daughters of the land. The farmers proved that this was a historical struggle and should be backed to the hilt. Consequently, there is no doubt that the BJP is on the back-foot in the state.

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The fact is that the façade of development in Haryana is hollow. Ironically, Haryana tops in the unemployment index in the country, and the industrial sector has not grown. The education scenario is abysmal, and women, despite high education, their brilliance and ambition, find career aspects very difficult given the male-dominated social structure.

Clearly, the wrestler’s movement, combined with the farmers’ protracted struggle, and the glorious struggle waged by the mothers and daughters of Shaheen Bagh, will have serious consequences for the BJP, impacting its poll prospects in the coming elections.  There is no wave for the BJP in Haryana; indeed, there is an anti-wave.

In the Lok Sabha elections, according to our understanding of the ground reality, the Congress will sweep the polls. In the assembly, the BJP might be reduced to less than two digits, and the Dushyant Chautala group will be wiped out. And, this time, they really can’t capitalize by raking an issue like Pulwama, where 40 of our soldiers died so tragically. Former Jammu and Kashmir Governor, Satyapal Malik, with huge backing of the farmers here and in Western UP, has exposed them thoroughly, and his words have found an echo in every heart in Haryana. The state feels the pain much more intensely because a huge number of our young men are in the Indian army.

Undoubtedly, things don’t augur well for the BJP, either in Haryana, or in the rest of India, in the days to come. And that is certainly a sign of relief and hope.

(The narrators are civil society activists, and have participated on important social and political issues like the non-violent Shaheen Bagh sit-in, anti-CAA movement, the resistance waged by students of JNU and Jamia Millia Islamia, and women wrestlers protests)

As told to Amit Sengupta

Higher Job Quotas For Locals Can Adversely Hit Society & Economy

The first reaction to the government of Haryana’s recent stipulation of reserving jobs in the private sector for people domiciled in the state has predictably come from employers. Private sector companies fear that the new rule—encapsulated in an ordinance—will, by hindering their recruitment efforts, hamper their ability to get workers with appropriately high skills. To be sure, the Haryana government’s decision was influenced by pre-election promises by one of the BJP-led coalition’s partners, Deputy Chief Minister Dushyant Chautala’s Jannayak Janta Party (JPP).

The Haryana ordinance stipulates that 75% of all new recruitment by companies based in or operating in the state have to be people who are domiciled in the state. The rule will apply to jobs that pay a salary of Rs 50,000 per month or less. Industries operating in the state have already made a plea to the government to reconsider the move but by all reckoning that is unlikely to happen.

Moves such as Haryana’s aren’t new in India. Last year, a Maharashtra minister from the Shiv Sena party demanded that 100% of jobs in private companies in his state ought to be reserved for local youth. A year ago, Andhra Pradesh passed a law to reserve 75% of jobs for youths belonging to the state. States such as Assam, Odisha and Madhya Pradesh have been contemplating similar laws. And in southern Indian states, which have witnessed substantial migration of workers from northern India, similar sentiments have begun showing up.

WATCH: ‘Local Quota Law A Black Day For Haryana Inc’

The call for protection or reservation of local youths’ jobs is obviously a populist move, and political parties are often motivated by the electoral objectives of garnering votes. But it is also a sign of nativism, a policy of protecting the interests of native-born or established inhabitants against those of immigrants. It also reeks of jingoism and xenophobia, and while employers are understandably upset by such protectionist policies, the inherent harm that such policies can do run deeper.

India’s Constitution guarantees individuals the right to freedom of movement within India and the right to seek employment anywhere within the country’s territory. Its various articles also specify that there can be no discrimination on the basis of where one is domiciled or born when it comes to employment. In that regard, the recent moves in various states to reserve private sector jobs for locals may seem unconstitutional and something that eventually the judiciary may have to take up.

Nativist movements are not new in India. In the past decades, local parties such as the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra; the DMK in Tamil Nadu; the Akali Dal in Punjab; and several other smaller regional parties have expressed sentiments against inter-state immigration. Even in Bengal, a relatively obscure party, Amra Bangali, has for long demanded, among a long list of other things, 100% reservation of jobs for Bengali youth.

Curiously, inter-state immigration is not of a huge scale in India. One study based on census data shows that on an average not more than 10% of workers in a district are from another state. In some states, the proportion is much lower. Also, seasonal migration has been common in many states. During harvest time or other labour-intensive seasons, northern states such as Punjab and Haryana depend heavily on workers who migrate from the eastern states of India. Many of the stranded migrant workers whose plight was highlighted when the Indian government announced a lockdown across the country after the outbreak of the Covid pandemic were agricultural and construction workers who routinely migrate out of their states to seek casual or seasonal employment.

Diversity in India is unlike in most other countries. Its population of 1.3 billion is hardly homogenous. Besides being diverse in terms of language, food, and culture, there are sharply contrasting economic disparities between states. But every Indian citizen has a right to decide where he or she would like to live; work; or settle down. Curbs such as Haryana’s new law would seriously hinder that right. But they would also impair economic development and equitable growth.

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The short-term political gains of a move such as Haryana’s reservation policy are obvious. Appeasement of local youth could help in ensuring the government’s re-election once its term is completed. And, of course, if jobs are reserved for them, the future of local unemployed youth could brighten. But consider this. Haryana is among one of the India’s states that attracts substantial private sector investment—mainly because it has cities such as Gurgaon that have quickly become hubs for technology, automotive, and financial services companies. If employers are restricted by a reservation norm some of them could consider shifting out of the state.

Also, for people living in economically weaker states where employment opportunities are limited such restrictions could have adverse economic impact. Moreover, if more and more states follow in the footsteps of Haryana and Andhra Pradesh, what would it make of India’s much touted claim of having harmony in diversity? Would it lead to greater intolerance between communities and regions? Would it foster more inter-state jingoism? And, could it, conceivably, threaten the democratic structure that is at the heart of the country?

There is also the matter of the Constitution and the freedom it ensures for Indian citizens. The spawning of policies that are inherently anti-immigrant in nature could seriously impinge on that freedom. It is perhaps time for the courts to examine these issues before they grow into a full-blown crisis.

Haryana Industry

Watch – ‘Local Quota Law A Black Day For Haryana Inc’

After Haryana government brought in an ordinance that mandates 75% reservation for locals in private sector jobs, most industrial unit owners call it a double whammy in Covid-19 times.

They unanimously point out that such “regressive” laws will only dent the state’s business-friendly image and will have a negative impact that may shoo away new units from setting shop in Haryana.

What if other states too brought similar laws, they ask. Job creation is the need of the hour, not reservation for political dividend, they told Team LokMarg.