Chidambaram The Psephologist

Chidambaram The Psephologist

What makes a Palaniappan Chidambaram! An extraordinary scholar with an MBA from Harvard Business School, incredibly proficient both in English and Tamil. Among the country’s best legal brains, Chidambaram is heard with respect when he will be arguing a case in the Supreme Court. A politician who held finance, home, law and commerce and industry portfolios under the previous political dispensation with competence. Now an MP in the Rajya Sabha, Chidambaram would keep the house enthralled when he participates in its proceedings in clipped tones in English, which is a fast vanishing trait among Indian politicians. But he had a brush with law enforcement agencies raiding his houses in different cities leading to his incarceration in 2019.

Well ahead of that, his qualities led The Economist ahead of 2014 Indian parliamentary elections to say in a long article that Chidambaram would be an ideal candidate for the office of the Prime Minister after the scholarly Dr Manmohan Singh. For, where is another in the country who could match, if not tower over leaders from any other nation in learning, vision and presentation capacity. The globally respected magazine was fascinated by his command over the English language. Not that there will not be any number of Indians who will remain dismissive of The Economist estimate of the ageing but still a robust politician.

In any case, the performance of United Progressive Alliance, a Centre-Left alliance led by the Congress, was so dismal both in 2014 and 2019 general elections that the once largest all-India political party was consigned into hibernation. Post Covid pandemic, which claimed thousands of lives and left many jobless when BJP was running the government at the centre, Congress thinks the time is right for it to improve its fortunes.

Forget what The Economist had to say about Chidambaram. But here our reference point is his highly readable weekly column ‘Across the Aisle’ in the Sunday edition of Indian Express, a newspaper to have retained its sanity. The column is what succinctness is all about. His universe is large. But in the column his focus is on politics and economy of this country. There will be occasions when he will dip his pen in poison. Critical he is, but with malice towards none.

Chidambaram is not in the business of making forecast of what will be the outcome of elections to be held in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Telangana and Mizoram. He and his son Karti (a Congress MP from Sivaganga in Tamil Nadu) have strong party affiliations. But when the senior Chidambaram is donning the cap of a newspaper columnist, he is acutely aware that he cannot be blatantly partisan. No denying, however, his sympathies and loyalty to the party will have some bearing on his writing.

ALSO READ: ‘Brand Modi May Not Work In Assembly Elections’

He makes no claims to be a pollster. Even then Chidambaram is always interesting, for he has the capacity to see things which others will generally miss out. First, he disagrees with the analysts saying that the forthcoming elections in five states will put NDA and the recently formed alliance INDIA to a test of strength.

According to him, the contest will be between BJP and Congress. Except for the fact that BJP lost 2018 elections in all the states now to go to the polls. That BJP is in power is because of defections with a frustrated Jyotiraditya Scindia denied chief ministership walking over to the BJP. Chidambaram will argue that desertion of JD(U), Shiv Sena, Akali Dal and AIADMK has virtually extinguished NDA, even though on paper 34 other parties, which hardly anyone will know except for their promoters, are part of the alliance. This makes him say: “The NDA is simply another name for BJP.”

Even while some INDIA constituents like Samajwadi Party are fielding candidates here and there are some verbal duels between Akhilesh Yadav and Kamal Nath, these are not signs of the newly formed alliance coming apart. Poll forecasting is highly seductive. At the same time, it’s a slippery business to read the mind of voters. Having the ability to govern himself by the use of reason at all times, Chidambaram says: “I do not wish to make any predictions.” At the same time, he is not to shy away from making “a cautious preliminary assessment” of elections outcome based on available information and reports.

Here we give a quick run-through of what Chidambaram thinks will be post-poll scene in three of the five states, Telangana and Mizoram having dominance of regional parties. The discredited Raman Singh having ruled Chhattisgarh for as many as 15 years till 2018, the present chief minister Bhupesh Baghel is unlikely to face anti-incumbency issue. According to Chidambaram, welfare scheme showing results on the ground, shift of power to the tribals and OBCs and improving levels of prosperity of farmers, particularly rice cultivators should help the Congress in retaining power. “Privately, even the BJP does not challenge this conclusion,” says Chidambaram.

As for Madhya Pradesh, expectedly, the Congress led by Kamal Nath will not miss an opportunity to remind voters of defections engineered by BJP to unseat the elected Congress government. And Scindia has not gained in popularity by leaving the Congress to become a minister in BJP government. Moreover, the ghost of Vyapam (Vyavsayik Pariksha Mandal) scam involving rigging of results for selection of medical students and state government employees for money remains a permanent feature of the state’s political discourse to BJP’s discomfiture.

Uncertainty about the future of incumbent chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan and BJP not naming anybody as chief ministerial candidate but instead fielding seven sitting Lok Sabha MPs, including three Union ministers are working to the advantage of Congress. BJP leadership seems to be a prisoner of confusion as far as Madhya Pradesh goes. The BJP indecision about state leadership, according to Chidambaram “has lit the fire of ambition in too many hearts, including serving Union ministers… Indications are that the bell has tolled for a change.”

The two-time chief minister of Rajasthan and the only woman to hold that office Vasundhara Raje may not again have been projected as CM face. Narendra Modi saying at one of his election rallies in Rajasthan that the party’s face this time would be its ‘lotus’ symbol must have upset Raje to no end. After all, besides being a BJP national vice-president, she has over the years strengthened the party in Rajasthan where Congress is traditionally a force to reckon with. Some high-ups in the party might have reservations about Raje. But she wields enough clout in the state not to be easily sidelined.

After all the wrong noises, Raje filed her nomination papers for Jhalrapatan Assembly constituency, which returned her to the Assembly four times since 2003. Not only that, many of her confidants are in the election fray. All that goes to show that Raje has a standing in Rajasthan independent of BJP. Interestingly Raje has rubbished all the talks about her retirement from active politics. Announcing that she was giving herself another five years in politics, Raje said, “I have just filed my nomination, Jhalwar is my family… Don’t entertain any thoughts of my retirement anytime soon.” Who knows, if BJP manages to outsmart Congress in spite of all its welfare schemes, Raje may stake a claim to CM office.

For more details visit us: https://lokmarg.com/

Chidambaram One Nation One Election

‘One Nation One Election An Assault On Constitution,’ Says Chidambaram

Congress has rejected the suggestion of ‘one nation, one election’, saying that it is an “assault on the constitution and attack on federalism”.

Addressing a press conference in Hyderabad coinciding with a meeting of the Congress Working Committee (CWC),  party leader P Chidambaram said BJP is seeking to divert attention from the pressing issues and create “a false narrative”.

“One nation, one election is an assault on the Constitution. We reject it. It is an attack on federalism. It will require at least five Constitutional amendments. The BJP knows that it does not have the numbers to pass these constitutional amendments. Yet if it (BJP) puts forward this mirage of One Nation, One Election, it is only to divert attention from the pressing issues and to create a false narrative,” Chidambaram said.

The Centre earlier this month constituted a High-Level Committee to examine the issue of ‘one nation, one election’ and make recommendations for holding simultaneous elections in the country.

The committee is chaired by former President Ram Nath Kovind and includes Home Minister Amit Shah, former Leader of Opposition in Rajya Sabha Ghulam Nabi Azad, former Finance Commission Chairman NK Singh, former Lok Sabha Secretary General Subhash C Kashyap, Senior Advocate Harish Salve and former Chief Vigilance Commissioner Sanjay Kothari.

Adhir Congress leader Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, who was also named a member of the High-Level Committee,  declined to serve on the panel, saying its “terms of reference have been prepared in a manner to guarantee its conclusions”.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has several times pitched the idea of One Nation, One Election.

Chidambaram said the Congress Working Committee is deliberating on a draft resolution.

“The deliberations are still underway…We are discussing the situation in the country. Broadly, it can be divided into the political situation, the economic crisis that the country faces and the security threats both internal and external that are a great challenge to the country,” the Congress leader said.  

Party leader Jairam Ramesh, who also addressed the press conference, said that CWC will discuss preparations for assembly polls in five states on Sunday.  (ANI)

Read More: https://lokmarg.com/

Are India’s Probing Agencies Becoming Political Puppets?

Last month the Jammu & Kashmir People’s Democratic Party (PDP) president and former chief minister Mehbooba Mufti said the Centre was “weaponising” central investigating agencies such as the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), National Investigation Agency (NIA), and the Enforcement Directorate (ED) by using them to probe and harass her, her friends and family, and her party leaders. She scathingly remarked that the ruling regime, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), was using these agencies as its “mistresses” to target her and her party.

Jammu and Kashmir is now administered as a Union Territory under the terms of Article 239A (which was initially applied to Puducherry is now also applicable to the Union Territory as per The Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019) of the Constitution of India. Before that Act was passed, J&K was administered by a coalition government that was formed by an alliance of the PDP and the BJP. That alliance was ill-fated and in June 2018, it broke down, leading J&K back to Governor’s Rule.

Ms Mufti’s remarks alleging that the Centre is using the government’s investigation agencies to target the ruling regime’s political opponents is not an isolated one. This is not the first time that CBI, NIA, ED, and other central investigative agencies have been accused of being used politically by ruling regimes in India. The CBI is India’s premier investigating agency and functions as a national investigating and security organisation as well as an intelligence agency; the NIA acts as the Central Counter Terrorism Law Enforcement Agency; and the ED is a law enforcement agency and economic intelligence agency that is responsible for enforcing economic laws and fighting economic crime in India.

Targeting political rivals or opposition leaders by using the services of such agencies is not new in India. Successive ruling regimes have been observed to have done it. However, the rising concerns are about the alleged spread of the practice since 2014 when the incumbent BJP-led coalition came to power at the Centre and, subsequently, was re-elected in 2019. The BJP’s clearly-stated objective is not only to make India emerge as a country “freed of the Congress” (Congress mukt Bharat, in Hindi) but also to wrest control in as many of the Indian states as it can. So, its political rivals include, not only a national party such as the Congress, but also several regional parties that hold sway in the states.

ALSO READ: Press Freedom Is A Myth In India

The first of the apparently politically-motivated actions by investigating agencies during the BJP-ruled regime began early. Soon after the BJP-led coalition came to power in 2014, investigative agencies swung into action. There were raids at the Delhi chief minister (and vocal opponent of the BJP) Arvind Kejriwal’s office; and old cases against Uttar Pradesh’s Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav and Bahujan Samaj Party president Mayawati were revived. In 2019, just before the general elections, the CBI raided the Kolkata police commissioner’s office without a warrant in what was an action quite clearly directed at undermining the Trinamool Congress’ Mamata Banerjee who is the chief minister of West Bengal and also a huge critic of the ruling regime at the Centre.

The list of such political targeting by investigative agencies is long. In 2019, former Haryana chief minister, Bhupinder Singh Hooda, faced raids in connection to old cases of alleged corruption in land deals; Congress MP and political secretary to Sonia Gandhi, Ahmed Patel (who passed away in 2020) was linked to a money-laundering scheme in Gujarat; and the homes of leaders close to the Biju Janata Dal leader and Odisha chief minister Naveen Patnaik were raided before panchayat elections in that state. These are only a few examples of what Indian political parties, particularly those who oppose the BJP, call “political vendetta” against them. Last month, when the ED summoned a Shiv Sena leader’s wife in Mumbai for questioning in connection with a bank fraud, the party’s workers put up a banner in front of the city’s ED office, which proclaimed that it was a BJP office.

ALSO READ: Is Maharashtra A Wake Up Call For BJP?

It should not be anybody’s case the charges that are levelled by the investigating agencies against opposition politicians are rigged or false. Some (or perhaps, even all) of them may have some basis for investigation. But it is the concerted manner in which the agencies are used that is of concern because it smacks of government interference in the role of the agencies that are supposed to be autonomous and apolitical.

One of the most high-profile cases was the one involving former finance minister P Chidambaram in 2019. He was accused of being involved in the INX Media scandal. Chidambaram was charged with allowing an irregular transfer of overseas funds to the media company. Chidambaram was arrested and the CBI tried to extend his custody many times. But that case has now gone nowhere.

That is the other thing. Many of the cases on which investigative agencies have based their actions against opposition political leaders have either died down, reached a dead-end, or not been pursued after the initial raids, arrests, and so on. While that could reinforce the opposition parties’ allegations that the ruling regime is using the agencies for political vendetta, the more serious issue is about what such a practice could do to the reputation and autonomy of India’s central investigating agencies, which are, by law, meant to be non-partisan, apolitical, unbiased, and independent. If these institutions and their functioning are prone to political interference, not only will their functioning be eroded but Indians will lose their faith in the establishment and its ability to function without fear and favour.