Gandhi Or Godse – Kindly Choose One

The BJP leadership has to make a clear choice between Mahatma Gandhi and Nathuram Godse because the two are mutually incompatible

Now that dust has settled on the most contentious election India has ever had, it is time to look at a sensitive issue that cropped up during the campaign: demonization of Mahatma Gandhi and deification of his assassin, Nathuram Godse.

It is important because it has figured in public discourse in the past, even before the election and will likely recur since there seems no last word on it. It is even more important since some of the Gandhi-baiters and Godse acolytes (not necessarily the same lot) have won in the election and all belong to the party that has received an overwhelming popular mandate.

ALSO READ: Pragya Calls Godse A Patriot

It is nobody’s case that there should be no debate on the respective roles the two played and their place in India’s contemporary history. What one would hope is a bit of perspective and a semblance of grace, since Gandhi is acknowledged as the Father of independent India.

An alternative view on Gandhi’s role has always existed. His portrait in Indian Parliament’s Central Hall sits next to that of V D Savarkar, the foremost Hindutva proponent, who was tried for conspiring Gandhi’s murder, but was eventually acquitted for want of evidence.

Gandhi has been criticized for various things he did or did not, said or left unsaid during his half-a-century long public life. A decade back, for instance, then Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati had derided him as a “natakbaaz” who was insincere about improving the lot of the Dalits. For her, Gandhi was and perhaps remains, a ‘manuvadi’ who only paid lip service to the Dalits’ cause.

More recently, Malawi rejected installing a Gandhi statue. In Ghana, another African nation, the one unveiled by then President Pranab Mukherjee was removed some months later because a part of the Ghanaian academia felt that Gandhi was a ‘racist’ who worked for the European colonizers and had no empathy for the black Africans.

ALSO READ: Modi 2.0 Brings In Majoritarian Agenda

If he can be criticized abroad, viewing him critically at home is fine. But the recent criticism has come couched with praise for Godse.  It is much more than just offering the other cheek for a slap as Gandhi would have advocated.

Contesting the Lok Sabha polls as a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) nominee, Pragya Singh Thakur, who has since won, triggered a firestorm when she praised the man who murdered the founder of free and democratic India. She called Godse a “deshbhakt (patriot) and will remain so forever.” Supportive statements came from more BJP candidates and members, including union minister Ananth Kumar Hegde and lawmaker Nalin Kateel. 

A hassled BJP asked Pragya to apologize which she did. It followed up by initiating disciplinary steps against other as well. Hegde claimed that he had been misquoted and that his social media handle had been hacked.

However, there’s a larger problem here pertaining to Pragya. She is currently on trial in a terrorist bombing case, on bail on health grounds. Her nomination for the election was vociferously endorsed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and BJP chief Amit Shah. The latter called it ‘satyagrha’ against Pragya’s branding as a “Hindu terrorist” as a result of cases pending against her.

Subsequently, Modi criticised her view and said he would not be able to forgive her for it. (“Dil se kabhi kshama nahin kar paunga”). This was his rare criticism of a party nominee, and that too, during the election campaign.

ALSO READ: Watch – The Battle For Bhopal Seat

But politics is not about personal sentiment. There can be two ways of looking at Modi’s action. It could be construed as an attempt at damage control to quell protests. But Modi must also be credited with adopting during his first tenure as the prime minister some significant Gandhian ideas in the shape of “Clean India”, advocacy of toilets for everyone and protection and education for girl child. Not paying mere lip service, from his powerful office, he initiated several measures to push the schemes nationwide.  The extent of success of the two campaigns (most likely to continue in the Modi 2.0) can be debated, but not the intent behind them.  

However, Thakur is known to hold radical views. She had courted controversy earlier during the campaign by claiming that her ‘curse’ had led to the killing of Hemant Karkare, the police officer who had been interrogating her and had allegedly tortured her. Karkare was gunned down by Pakistani terrorists who stormed Mumbai in November 2008. He has since been feted and awarded and is avowedly viewed by the society as a hero. Pragya’s remarks caused universal revulsion.  

Therefore, it was untenable for Modi and Shah to defend her candidature. But then, in an election many wrongs do get righted and vice versa. One can only pose the question at this stage if Pragya will go through the trial process.

But the larger question is for the BJP to make a clear choice between Gandhi and Godse. The two are simply incompatible – which is why Godse murdered Gandhi in the first place. This is a fact of history that is recorded, investigated, tried and concluded in conviction and punishment. Nobody, not even the BJP leadership can change this since it was confessed by Godse himself, as also others who were part of the murder conspiracy.

Pragya’s candour has opened up a vital debate on the core values of Indian polity. This puts BJP in a tricky position.  Thakur has won and so have others who are part of the parliamentary party that Modi leads. Will the party act against Pragya and like-minded others?

The issue received further currency when actor-politician Kamal Haasan called Godse “independent India’s first terrorist, who was a Hindu.” It invited protests and a Tamil Nadu minister threatened to gouge Kamal’s eyes. Undoubtedly, the issue raises extreme reactions. The threatened actions go well beyond civilized discourse.

BJP is today India’s most dominant political party having just won a huge mandate to govern the nation. Its members and affiliate organisations have political beliefs. Hence, it is both important and essential for Modi and Shah to clarify the position on Gandhi and Godse, and not leave an obvious conflict hanging and festering. Doing that would stretch the thinking in opposite directions, harming both the party and the nation as a whole.

The writer can be reached at mahendraved07@gmail.com

]]>

BIMSTEC Invites: New Delhi's Pragmatism to the Fore

Invitation to BIMSTEC, outlines Modi government’s strategy of ignoring Pakistan and proceeding ahead with a cooperative attitude in the South Asian region

Narendra Damodardas Modi is set to be sworn in for a second consecutive term for five years as the Prime Minister of India on the 30th of May 2019 with a massive mandate from the electorate. In terms of Foreign Policy, the last term was defined by a sustained emphasis on the South Asian region through the ‘Neighbourhood First’ Policy. The phrase was outlined after his invitation to the South Asian Association for Regional Coopertation (SAARC) heads of state during the inauguration of his first term.

The second inaugural ceremony will see heads of state from the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multisectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC). This has significance for India’s Foreign Policy for three reasons: a) India’s stance on its immediate neighbourhood/ South Asia has been marked by tentativeness, which is set to change with continued focus under PM Modi. b) BIMSTEC members include Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Thailand which geographically and geopolitically compliment India’s Look/Act East Policy. c) China’s mammoth Belt and Road Initiative and the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) can be gradually countered through such steps of creating close multilateral partnerships.

The SAARC as a regional organization has regularly faced troubles in becoming a functional organization, owing to differences between India and Pakistan, its largest and most influential members which are also neighbours. To overcome this state dismal state of affairs and to avoid a situation where India’s regional ambitions become hostage to Pakistan’s nefarious designs, perhaps, a focus on BIMSTEC could be a sound strategic move.

On the one hand, India can afford to ignore Pakistan in the region and on the other, keep continuously isolating it elsewhere in the international fora on the issue of terrorism. A sustained strong willed stance on Pakistan combined with astute diplomacy can provide India with a definitive direction to its policy in the South Asian region.

The BIMSTEC has an eastward component for India. For the last 15 years and more New Delhi has indicated a shift towards the east in its foreign policy orientation, initially calling it the Look East Policy and during Modi’s first term as the Act East Policy. The BIMSTEC invitations include the geographic gateway states (Myanmar and Thailand) to South East Asia.

The long-standing cultural links with the Southeast Asian countries only enhance the strategic validity of such overtures to Myanmar and Thailand. These linkages help India’s domestic policies towards India’s Northeast as a major component of BIMSTEC is the connectivity network it is supposed to create to link the member countries. Thus, the BIMSTEC could work as an initial major step towards operationalization of the Act East policy.

Moreover, the strategic relevance of the BIMSTEC cannot be underestimated vis-à-vis the Belt and Road Initiative of China. Though the scale, scope and coverage of the BIMSTEC is smaller than that of the BRI and the MSRI, India can only match the Chinese financial capacity through investments in such ventures. In the long run, it may prove to be more effective than even the BRI and the MSRI in which projects have already faced difficulties and the Chinese intentions have come under scrutiny with allegations of ‘debt trap diplomacy’.

Myanmar, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal which border India, through land or water are participating in the BRI and MSRI by allowing the Chinese to create transport infrastructure and availing hefty loans. As mentioned above, creation of a transport network, a vital aspect of the BIMSTEC can serve the important purpose of providing connectivity and cohesion in the South Asian region as well as benefit the Indian economy.

Therefore, the benefits of such gestures of inviting the BIMSTEC heads of state are many fold both for India and its neighbourhood.  This also makes geopolitical sense as majority of scholars in geostrategy have advocated for consolidation of a regional power’s position in its immediate vicinity before embarking on projection of power at a larger geographical scale say the continental scale or in the case of India, the Indian Ocean Region, which is a huge expanse.

The author earlier in the same column had indicated that ignoring the rogue neighbour’s negative work in the region and moving forward with a positive intent should be New Delhi’s approach. Invitation to BIMSTEC, outlines Modi government’s strategy of ignoring the western neighbour and proceeding ahead with a cooperative and developmental attitude in the South Asian region. It is with only such an attitude and approaches that China’s forays in the region can be overcome and path for a peaceful South Asian region can be forged.

 

]]>
Punjab Chief Minister

The Captain Who Sailed Against Modi Tide

The Congress performance in Punjab has not only strengthened Captain Amarinder Singh’s hold in the state, it has also made party high command look at him with renewed respect

Four years ago, Punjab chief minister Amarinder Singh was appointed president of the Congress party’s state unit but only after he fought hard to get this position which put him in line for the CM’s post.

It was only after he threatened to revolt that the Congress leadership reluctantly relented and brought him back as party chief though the high command was not happy at being browbeaten into taking a decision.

Singh could afford to exert pressure on the party as he had more than proved himself when he defeated Bharatiya Janata Party’s senior leader Arun Jaitley in the 2014 Lok Sabha election to win the prestigious Amritsar seat in spite of a Modi wave.

Amarinder Singh stood vindicated yet again when he went on to oust the ten-year-led Shiromani Akali Dal government in 2017 to form a Congress government in Punjab.

And today, Singh is truly the king as he has successfully fended off the Modi upsurge once again by winning eight of the 13 Lok Sabha seats in Punjab, a gain of five seats from the last general election. This is despite the fact that Singh has been in power for nearly two years after which one would expect a sitting chief minister to face some anti-incumbency.

In fact, Singh is the only chief minister who has delivered for the party while Kamal Nath, Bhupesh Baghel and Ashok Gehlot, his counterparts in Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Rajasthan, failed miserably in keeping the BJP at bay.

The Congress performance has strengthened Amarinder Singh’s hold over the party in Punjab while the Congress is looking at him with renewed respect with some even suggesting that he deserved to be made party president.

As in the case of 2014, Punjab bucked the national trend once again in this election and chose to vote differently from the rest of the country. The state remained impervious to Modi’s charms even though in neighboring Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, it was Modi, Modi all the way.

ALSO READ: Capt Visits Punjab Border Areas

While the Congress bettered its score this time, the Arvind Kejriwal-led Aam Admi Party, which had stunned everyone by bagging four seats in the last Lok Sabha election has been reduced to one this time and the Shiromani Akali Dal-Bharatiya Janata Party combine won four seats between them. For the Akalis, it was a second shock after its humiliating defeat in the 2017 assembly poll as it could only ensure the victory of its party president Sukhbir Singh Badal and his wife Harsimrat Singh Badal while the remaining ten party candidates fell by the wayside.

For his part, Amarinder Singh did not allow the poll campaign to become Modi-centric. He successfully used the BJP’s high-pitch campaign on nationalism post-Pulwama to his advantage by lending unequivocal support to the government’s action in Balakot. He made a thundering speech in the assembly, sent out a chilling warning to Pakistan, and urged Modi to see that the killing of Indian soldiers and citizens was avenged. Singh’s move to present himself as a true nationalist carried credibility as he has served in the Indian Army. Besides, warmongering does not go down well in Punjab as the people point out that as a border state, they are the first to be hit in case of military action.

Singh pushed the Akalis on the defensive by successfully playing the Panthic card in the election. He constantly attacked the Badals by periodically referring to the desecration of the Guru Granth Sahib in 2015 and subsequent police firing at protesters as well as the pardon granted to Dera Sacha Sauda chief Gurmeet Ram in a blasphemy case. Singh set up a commission to inquire into the sacrilege issue which held that the Badal administration was complicit in shielding those responsible for committing the unholy act. Finding themselves on the backfoot, the Badal family offered an apology at the Golden Temple. Though the Badals won their seats, the issue continues to haunt the party.

Amarinder Singh was also helped in his campaign by the fact that his opponents were unable to put up an effective fight as both the Shromani Akali Dal and the Aam Admi Party have been wracked by internal divisions. The Badals found themselves in the dock after the party’s rout in the 2017 assembly polls when several old timers walked out to set up shop on their own. The Lok Sabha result shows that the party has yet to recover from its last defeat.

ALSO READ: Kejriwal Apology To Majithia Irks State AAP

The virtual unraveling of the Aam Admi Party also made Singh’s job easier. The newbie party had caught the imagination of the people of Punjab in 2014 when it won four Lok Sabha seats. Though the party did not fare as well as it was expected to do in the last assembly election, it did manage to beat the Akalis to emerge as the principal opposition party. But since then, the party has witnessed several departures with its state chief Sukhpal Singh Khaira setting up his own party and two of its MLAs joining the Congress.

Consequently, the party which was seen as a rising star in Punjab, has lost all credibility. It managed to bag only one Lok Sabha seat with Gurudas Mann retaining Sangrur.  The Congress snatched the remaining three seats from the Aam Admi Party.

]]>
BJP Leaders Vote Of Thanks

Modi 2.0 – Majoritarian Agenda Is In

Given majority in both Houses of Parliament, the Bharatiya Janata Party’s second term in office may see a renewed push in majoritarian agenda.

This must begin with an apology for failing to discern the Tsunami that has brought Prime Minister Narendra Modi to a landslide victory in India’s Elections 2019.

Churlish though it sounds, the fact is that none noticed it. A very toxic and polarizing campaign that raised the decibels of rival claims high even as it brought standards of discourse at their lowest-ever,  made it difficult.   

A 40-day polls process, when several institutions, including the Election Commission, came under the cloud, made that task near-impossible. 

Now that the world’s largest democratic exercise is over, this apology must be followed by a sincere acknowledgement of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s solo score. It can compare well with the one by Indira Gandhi in 1971 when she fought off a united non-Communist opposition’s “grand alliance”. One is not taking into account the popular sympathy vote caused by her assassination in 1984 giving the Congress the highest 400-plus.

Modi and his National Democratic Alliance (NDA) were criticized for winning the 2014 elections with the lowest-ever 31 percent vote-share. At 48 percent today, it can claim to be close to the 1984 score of 49.10 percent. The BJP got 7.7 percent then and only two members won. Tables are totally turned now with the Congress getting just 29 percent vote. Regional parties won 23 percent. Unable to align with some of them when and where needed, Congress, the country’s oldest party is an also-ran today.

ALSO READ: Modi Is Still India’s Best Hope

Percentages apart, perceptions matter. They were created by Modi’s oratory and deft media management. Indeed, Modi commands several ‘M’s —  media, money, muscle power in the form of cadres and government agencies that he let loose on critics and above all, brilliant marketing with his oratory, slogan-mongering and ample use of the “humble-me.” 

Dedicated effort has paid. After two consecutive defeats in 2004 and 2009, the BJP, helped by its ideological mentor, the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS), battled its way on the back of an anti-graft movement. Back in power in 2014, it has built the world’s largest cadre-based political party that, under its chief Amit Shah, never stopped working for electoral gains. This victory belongs to those cadres.

By contrast, the Congress’ mass-based goodwill and support are ebbing. It is not ready for such a revamp. Rahul Gandhi has offered to resign. But the party will not accept it. He must slog on along with his housewife-sister Priyanka. The party is destined to remain trapped as a family concern. Psephologist-politician Yogendra Yadav has demanded that the Congress “must die,” but parties don’t. The BJP did not, and the Congress, too cannot. It has no choice but to persist.

ALSO READ: Six Things To Expect If Modi Returns As PM

The salt on the Congress’ wounds is Rahul’s defeat in Amethi, the family bastion. If nothing else, he could take lessons from the victor, Smriti Irani, who nursed Amethi despite defeat five years ago.

His love-and-hug ‘soft’ power was a novelty for a while, but its persistence failed against Modi’s hard-headed, even harsh, responses that included constantly attacking the Nehru-Gandhis.  Now that Modi has won and Rahul has lost, it is a moot point why Rahul calling the PM a ‘thief’ (chowkidar chor hai) failed.

Not just the Gandhis, the opposition’s family enterprises failed. The Gowdas of Karnataka, the Pawars of Maharashtra, the Yadavs of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, among many others, were bogged down by family rivalries. By contrast, the BJP took some hard-headed, even controversial decisions, to jettison its founding leaders L K Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi.   

In the next few days if not weeks, some opposition-run state regimes may go. Hindutva hardliners – Giriraj Singh, Sakshi Maharaj, Anantkumar Hegde and others have all won.  On the victory ramp is Pragya Thakur, the terror under-trial out on bail whose nomination was endorsed by Modi who then, in an act of damage control criticized her praise for Mahatma Gandhi’s assassin.

Maharaja Ranjit Singh once predicted total British rule in India saying “sab lal ho jayega.” Today, would he have said: “sab kesri ho jayega?”

The road for the march of communism in Asia, it was said in the last century, would traverse from Moscow to Beijing to Kolkata and beyond. Those prospects have disappeared.  After three decades’ Left rule, West Bengal switched over to Mamata Banerjee and now, to the BJP. 

In ideological terms, the Before-Modi-After-Modi era has consolidated. The pluralist India of Nehru’s dreams and vision that the world has known and praised is passé. India joins the comity of nations led by tough-talking populist right-wing leaders like US President Donald Trump, Turkey’s Erdogen and Hungary Viktor Orban.  

Given majority in both Houses of Parliament, the majoritarian agenda can now be pushed. Also ripe for legislation could be Uniform Civil Code and repealing of Article 370 of the Constitution that removes the special status Jammu and Kashmir enjoys.

It would take a while to know how he Muslims have voted, but given the NDA’s two-thirds majority win it is obvious that this vote has not mattered. In such a situation, the community may reach some understanding on the vexed issue of a Ram temple in Ayodhya.

There may well be some benefits on the economic front from Modi 2.0. Among them could be unshackling of ailing public sector units in favour of private enterprise. In telecom sector, BSNL is unwell and so is MTNL. In aviation, Air India might find buyer(s) if the government writes off some of the liabilities. Just-closed Jet Airways may also revive. Modi could use his Gulf goodwill to help out.

The India Inc. that has placed immense faith in Modi despite many disastrous moves because it sensed the TINA factor and did not want an unwieldy coalition government, can reap some benefits.        

Riding on conflict with Pakistan, Modi, like US President Donald Trump, focused on border to shape a vision of a muscular India. Nationalism was at the heart of the BJP campaign, and that included a citizenship census in the north-eastern state of Assam to raise the threat of Muslim “infiltrators” and show they are curbing the tide of undocumented immigrants at India’s borders.

Yet, Modi has a fan across the border in Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan. He unusually — and controversially – showed open preference for Modi over anyone else to lead India. Old logic goes with it that the South Asian rivals can normalize relations only when a right-wing ‘nationalist’ Indian government (read non-Congress, since that party carries the baggage of the Partition and the Kashmir dispute) and an army-backed Pakistan government.

Khan should be happy to talk with a more agreeable Delhi under Modi. Both would be hiding their iron fists in velvet gloves. But circumstances favouring, they could solve some intractable issues. Why, solving even Kashmir is possible, to the glee of world powers that are tired of it. That would make them eligible for a joint Nobel.

The writer can be reached at mahendraved07@gmail.com

]]>
Varanasi Lok Sabha Election

Exit Polls Predict Return Of Modi Govt

As soon as the election in the last phase got over on Sunday evening, various news channels flashed the forecast of their respective Exit polls, predicting a comfortable sail to power for the NDA, with seats ranging from 287 to 306.

ABP-Nielsen was the only poll that said NDA would fall short of a clear majority.

Meanwhile, about 61% polling was recorded in the seventh and the last phase of the Lok Sabha election that were held in 59 Lok Sabha constituencies on Sunday across eight States, including Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Bihar and Chandigarh. There were incidents of alleged EVM rigging and poll-related violence in West Bengal.

Among the prominent seat went to poll on Sunday will decide the outcome of prominent candidates like Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Union minister Ravi Shankar Prasad, and Shatrughan Sinha and Manish Tewari of the Congress.

Many exit polls predicted that SP-BSP alliance in Uttar Pradesh would trump the BJP in the politically most crucial State, which had sent 71 seats for the saffron party in 2014 general elections. The alliance may not be able to win 40 seats in Uttar Pradesh, several polls predicted. However, there have been other states where the party seems to have made fresh inroads to fill up the deficit, the exit poll results showed.

In fact a poll of polls conducted by NDTV news channel indicated that the BJP would make up for its losses in Uttar Pradesh with a surge in Odisha and West Bengal. The Mayawati-Akhilesh Yadav combination would get, according the average prediction, 29 seats while the Congress is set to do no better than it did in 2014 with just two seats.

In Bengal, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress will get 26 of 42 seats and the BJP will move to double digits at 14 while in Orissa the BJP will be equally positioned against Naveen Patnaik’s BJD which is an improvement for it as it won just one of the state’s 21 seats in 2014.

The gains in the two states will offset what the BJP is predicted to lose in Uttar Pradesh, it is said.

The BJP leaders were quick to express satisfaction with the predictions. “The exit polls results are according to our expectations,” BJP national vice president Vinay Sahasrabudhe said. “The grand alliance experiment has failed. The BSP and SP could not take our votes. The main opposition parties in Uttar Pradesh are divided thin, whose benefits the BJP got.”

Congress leader Ashwini Kumar said: “I hope for my party’s sake these exit polls aren’t true.” Mr Kumar is true as on several occasions the Exit poll have gone misearbly wrong in predicting the true outcome of the elections.

The results will be declared on Thursday, May 23.

LokMarg Desk

 

]]>

Who’s Afraid Of A Coalition Government?

For a coalition government at the Centre to survive, regional parties will need to shed their narrow outlook and approach to national, even international, issues

It’s a great relief to think that by the time this is posted, the last phase of polling in India’s 17th general election will be over with everyone awaiting the results on May 23.

The inevitable question – what next? – is not easy to answer. Once the last vote is cast at 1800 hours on May 19, flood-gates of Exit polls will break open. Although none of the methods used is infallible, past records place Exit polls close to correct. Till then, anyone who claims to know is either lying or is a charlatan.

ALSO READ: Regional Parties Hold The Key

And till then, one can ignore the claims, either way, of acolytes – bhakts of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Congress’ chamchas.  These social media pejoratives indicate the negative mood, intolerant of a differing opinion. Not just politicos, but also their self-appointed supporters and opponents, are getting personal, hitting critics below the belt.    

Has the vote cast, too, been negative? It appears so. In 2014, people voted for Narendra Modi’s promise of a better future and junked a scam-tainted government. It was a mixed verdict in that Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won a clear mandate but on the lowest-ever 31 percent of votes cast.  

People then latched on to Modi’s his promises of jobs and dignity. He did start off well. But five years hence, he has scored more minuses then pluses with a faltering economy, highest unemployment in 45 years, rural distress and severe strains on the social fabric. Pushing a majoritarian political agenda, his government’s ban on beef targeted the Muslim butchers and Dalit tanners.     

His demonetization gambit emasculated political opponents economically. Nobody talks about it because all politicos’ sources of money are open to suspicion. (Hamaam mein sab nange hain.)  But the people suffered much worse and have continued to suffer.

Forget falling demand of cars and consumer goods. Forget even crises in key sectors like IT, telecom and aviation. But you can’t ignore food inflation that touches every citizen. Showing signs of heading for a slowdown, the economy could be Modi’s Waterloo — and a nightmare for the next government.

ALSO READ: Modi Still India’s Best Bet

Politically, this is phir ek baar Modi Sarkar – Modi seeking a fresh mandate. See the posters; BJP figures only as election symbol, and little more. This is unlike India, even unlike BJP that attacks the Congress ‘dynasty’.  

If negative points could be the decider, then those earned by the Congress need listed. One, Priyanka’s induction reinforces its no-alternative-to-dynasty factor. Two, it plays ‘soft’ Hindutva to the BJP’s hardcore one.

Three, like some of his foot-in-the-mouth-afflicted leaders, Congress chief Rahul Gandhi ought not to have misquoted the Supreme Court in “chowkidar chor hai” chant against Modi. Once he did, decency and common sense required that he apologise instantly, unconditionally. His lawyers filed two ‘explanations’ instead, annoying the court. Rahul apologized, belatedly, but will remain under the court’s adverse gaze till it exonerates him in July after the summer vacation.

The ‘chowkidar’ bit emanated from the Modi Government’s Rafale aircraft deal. Rahul insists that it is an election issue and cites a study indicating 68 percent voters’ interest. This is farthest from truth. But it has provoked Modi to talk of defence deals his father Rajiv Gandhi concluded.  

If Rahul failed to sell this scam without strong evidence to support to the urban voters, the majority voter in the countryside doesn’t know what Rafale is all about – and couldn’t care less.  There is no public perception about Rafale and perceptions do matter in elections.

While Rahul has made serious tactical errors, Modi’s are, in a manner of speaking, strategic ones. His ideological attack on Jawaharlal Nehru can be understood. But those made on Rajiv defies Indian tradition of not abusing a dead person. Rajiv was a decent man who meant well, whatever his flaws and mistakes, and he died a violent death.

Modi continued with accusation of security lapse supposedly entailed by Rajiv taking his Italian in-laws on a holiday on board the Navy’s aircraft carrier. Top naval officers of that era have denied it. Journalists who chased that story, including this writer, found this to be false.

His repeatedly dragging the armed forces into controversies, whether to build a hyper-patriotic narrative or to score brownie points over his opponents, even those who are long dead, threatens to disrupt equipoise in civil-military relations that India has nurtured. Unlike its neighbours, India is closer to Western democracies.

Viewing India’s election from a distance, relying on the embedded media could be misleading. For one, there is no presidential-style campaign between Modi and Rahul. Secondly, the BJP is certainly the dominant political force today, but is not omnipresent – not yet.      

Of the 543 Lok Sabha seats contested, a little over a half (275) have had a direct BJP-Congress confrontation. In 170, the BJP is confronting various regional parties, where the Congress is weak or non-existent. In 101 seats there is no BJP – not even its NDA allies. In 150 seats, neither of the national parties matters. These are swing states where regional parties will be the kings and also king-makers at the national level, should the results throw up a ‘hung’ house.

Not the only culprit though, the Congress has failed to forge an anti-BJP phalanx, both out of incompetence and due to anxiety to protect its shrinking base.

Current parleys among regional leaders, some with prime ministerial ambitions, show that the mutual distrust between Congress and its allies, made and those lost, could make post-polls alliance-making difficult.

Truth be told, all contestants are desperate to win to retain their relevance.

This has been an election like no other. There is no discernible wave. A 39-day polls timetable, allowing the contenders to change the issues and goal-posts has made it more difficult to make a coherent assessment. 

The safest bet is a coalition. The India Inc. and the foreign media prefer national parties and are traditionally suspicious of regional parties. They would need to accept, and work with them, should a loose federal coalition come to power.   

Modi, while attacking alliances, in principle, calling them unstable, now claims to know “the art of running coalitions”. His critics say this is unlike him, but the post-polls power game may have its overriding compulsions for everyone. The calculators are clearly out, but the calculations will have to wait.

Not wanting to lie or be considered a charlatan, one can still visualize an overall post-polls scenario without predicting who, and/or which combination will form the next government.  

And that is: the Congress will bounce back from its 2014 debacle and regain its position as a national political force. The BJP, irrespective of its seat tally, will certainly expand into regions where it has not mattered so far. And the regional parties will gain in numbers and clout. But to utilize the two in larger national interest, they will be increasingly pressured to shed their narrow outlook and approach to national, even international, issues.

If this reads like preference for an inclusive and pluralist Indian society the way Gandhi and Tagore visualized, well, it is.

The writer can be reached at mahendraved07@gmail.xom

]]>
Sharad Ritrement

Maratha Strongman’s Last Chance To Be PM

Sharad Pawar is seen as the proverbial dark horse for the Prime Minister’s post if the opposition can garner the requisite strength in the Lok Sabha

Describing the job of a Prime Minister, a former minister once remarked that he is like the CEO of a company who presides over a board of directors. “The important thing is to pick the right people to serve on the board,” he added.

There is all-round agreement that going by this job description, Nationalist Congress Party chief Sharad Pawar will prove to be an ideal candidate for the country’s top post. Pawar’s supporters never tire of pointing out            that the NCP chief comes with a wealth of experience, a knack for spotting talent and bringing out the best in his colleagues and officials.

The veteran leader has been in politics for over 50 years, winning his first election to the Maharashtra assembly in 1967 and subsequently went on to become the youngest chief minister of his home state at the age of 38 years. He understands the intricacies of electoral politics and has been an able administrator, having proved himself both as a chief minister and a Central minister.

Pawar is a four-time chief minister of Maharashtra, was the defence minister in the Narasimha Rao government and held the agriculture portfolio in the Manmohan Singh-led United Progressive Alliance government.

ALSO READ: PM Mayawati – Unthinkable Is Possible

Pawar is regarded as a wise and mature politician, whose advice is taken seriously. It was a known fact that former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh valued him as a Cabinet colleague and relied on him for his inputs on key government decisions. Unlike other UPA allies, Pawar did not throw too many tantrums but, nevertheless, the senior leader managed to have his way with his quiet and understated manner.

Lately, Congress president Rahul Gandhi has been consulting Pawar as the Maratha strongman has stepped in to help weld the disparate opposition parties into a cohesive and viable anti-BJP coalition.

The NCP chief is considered a good choice for this task since he has cultivated friends across the political spectrum during his long innings in public life. His political clout was on display during his 75th birthday celebrations in 2015. The mega show at Delhi’s Vigyan Bhavan was attended by a galaxy of political leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi and former Congress president Sonia Gandhi, perhaps the first time that these two leaders shared a stage.

It was then said that the elaborate celebrations, held in Delhi and his Lok Sabha constituency Baramati, had been planned to underline that the Maratha strongman has a national profile even though his party’s presence is limited to Maharashtra and he is out of power. It was also whispered then that Pawar had an eye on the Rashtrapati Bhavan as he believed he had the necessary seniority and stature for the President’s post.

Moving on from there, Pawar today is being mentioned as the proverbial dark horse who could make the cut for the Prime Minister’s post in the event that the opposition camp gets the requisite numbers to form the next government. Pawar, it is said, can emerge  as a consensus candidate as the  regional satraps would prefer him to Rahul Gandhi.

ALSO READ: Can Rahul Pull It Off As PM

Besides the fact that the NCP chief has the qualifications and the temperament to run a government and manage  fractious coalition partners, Pawar (with his nine-odd MPs) also poses no threat to the other regional parties who have to constantly look over their  shoulders to protect their turf. Another big plus in Pawar’s favour are his ties contacts with the corporate world.

On the flip side, Pawar has acquired a reputation of being untrustworthy. His motives for befriending someone or taking a particular decision are generally eyed with suspicion as there is always a nagging feeling that his moves are driven by a hidden agenda. After all, Pawar had walked out of the Congress in 1978 after breaking up with his political mentor Y.B.Chavan. He was brought back to the party by Rajiv Gandhi but was lost no time in pitching for the Prime Minister’s post after the Congress leader’s assassination in 1991. He was, however, outmaneuvered by the wily P.V.Narasimha Rao. He again lost to veteran leader Sitaram Kesari when he attempted to wrest the presidentship of the Congress party.

Realising that there was little possibility of his upward mobility in the Congress once Sonia Gandhi took over as party president, Pawar raised a banner of revolt in protest against her foreign origins. He was then shown the door. Pawar went on to form the NCP but he met with limited success in his home state and was forced to stitch up an alliance with the Congress in Maharashtra when neither party could muster enough numbers to form a government on its own. The two parties ran a coalition government for three terms. A chastened Pawar subsequently accepted the olive branch extended to him by Sonia Gandhi and joined the United Progressive Alliance in 2004. It proved to be a smart move as he was drafted as a agriculture minister when the Congress-led UPA won the 2004 Lok Sabha election.

Lately, however, there appears to be an erosion in Pawar’s authority within his own party. This was evident when the NCP chief first announced in March that he would contest the Lok Sabha election but was pressured to make way for his grand-nephew following fierce infighting in the family. Pawar has denied rumours of any rift and has led a tireless campaign in the ongoing election in a bid to re-establish his authority within the party and to send out a message that he remains the NCP’s undisputed leader.

Despite Pawar’s best efforts, these developments have led to speculation that Pawar’s weakening grip over his family and party will make it difficult for him to pitch for the Prime Minister’s post. Conversely, there is also a view that his weakness may yet prove to be his strength.

]]>

Modi Still India’s Best Hope Despite Liberal Hostility

The divisions in India did not start with Modi’s BJP, nor were created by him. These were crafted, nurtured and cynically exploited by the Congress

A number of western liberal media have been promoting the eyecatching headline in TIME magazine, ‘Modi Divider in Chief’. It would be convincing if the phenomenon of India’s vote bank, castism, divisions and communalism was a new problem that germinated in the BJP years.

The preferred Indian political party of many western liberal media and in fact ‘intellectuals and academics’ with left leaning, is the Congress party as it appears to talk the talk. It does not walk the talk, but facts are ignored when idealism blinds analysis as is common in any evangelists approach.

The congress understood the score quite early on. It labels itself ‘secular’, claims to give minorities equal rights and boasts of working to improve the lot of ‘lower castes’ and the down trodden.  If ever there was a PR genius that could make Satchi and Satchi look amateurs, the Congress propaganda machine is one.

ALSO READ: India’s Fissiparous Politics, An Essay

The divisions in India did not start with Modi’s BJP nor created by him. They have been birthed, nurtured, cynically exploited and entrenched by Congress over the 54 years of rule it enjoyed as a ‘dynastic’ party since 1947. Calling itself democratic, inclusive and party of the people, the Congress is in fact an autocratic political machine run by one family and its sycophantic courtiers.

Congress ruled India uninterrupted for 31 years and brought democracy down on its knees with dictatorial rule in the infamous ‘emergency’. Then after 1978, with brief interlude by other parties, it has ruled almost continuously until 2014 when it rightly became a marginalised party, so much that there was talk of extinction. But like characters in Zombie films, it keeps on rising again.    

In all those years, communalism increased manifold, caste became institutionalised like never before in history and drafted as a vote bank, poverty failed to improve, corruption became an acceptable form of transaction patronisingly labelled ‘rent’ money by economists, internal violent conflicts for secession increased from one (Kashmir) to seventeen, the police lost its soul, freely engaging in extrajudicial executions with impunity and in fact introduced new methods of torture that came to be adopted by countries elsewhere; and the Indian Army continued in its role of being an army of a colonising occupation power killing more of its own citizens than any other army in the world.

But while Congress learnt how to master and then fine tune the British colonial strategy of divide and rule, it also deftly handled western liberal countries with words such as secular, unity, championing the underprivileged. Its record in office is anything but exploitative.

Its approach to Indians has been exactly like British colonialists, one of despising the population, its culture, its values and manipulating Indian diversity to hold on to power. The Gandhi family son in law betrayed it when in 2012 said ‘Mango People in a Banana Republic’!

Through its years Congress developed a subtle approach of blaming Indian civilisations, its cultures, its belief systems and its people for the ills of the Indian State, while piously acting as  the ‘reformist campaigner’ desperately trying hard and asking for western patience while it brought its people from the dark ages into European enlightenment! Doesn’t say much for a civilisation that goes back 5000 years, invented arithmetic, metallurgy, astronomy, pluralism and much more. In the Congress party’s depiction of Indians, all that Indians have done for 5000 years is managed to weave ‘saris’, cook ‘curries’, create hippy music and build some monuments. 

ALSO READ: Can Rahul Pull It Off As PM?

It is no wonder that the western liberal media found a companion in soul in Congress. Nothing pleases it more than to know that somewhere across the world there is an evangelic liberal trying hard to introduce secular liberal democracy into the alleged dark and primitive culture of its people.

Western academics flocked to promote this and cloned legions of orientalist Indian academics now populating western and Indian universities without critical faculty of their own in their intellectual approach. Like medieval Christian crusades, western liberalism blinds itself or mitigates the excesses of the converts.  Some facts that liberals don’t like to face or hear let alone say are:

There was one caste listed on the schedule caste register in 1947. It was a mischief invented on a  national scale by British missionaries. By 1980’s the number of people with caste consciousness had increased to the entire Indian population and the schedule list had grown to over 3000 with privileges, disadvantages and vote banks. Congress nurtured and promoted it to harvest it as a toxic political capital! Never before in Indian history have so many community groups been so aware of ‘caste’ or their apparent caste.

[caption id="attachment_38721" align="alignnone" width="300"] Jagjiwan Ram in tears after realising that he wouldn’t be made prime minister because of his caste despite working body and soul for the Congress.[/caption]

Ironically when the one time Congress and its break away Janata Dal had the opportunity to have a leader from ‘lower caste’, Jagjivan Ram, it quickly pushed him sideways! His famous words ring “Iss kambakht mulk mein chamar kabhie prime minister nahin ho sakta hai.” (In this wretched country a cobbler can never become the prime minister). The BJP on the other hand made the son of a tea seller as leader of the country!

Poverty in India was around 80% at end of colonialism, thanks to British exploitation. Sixty years of Congress rule did nothing for the poor except slogans. It managed to reduce it by 10%!  Unashamedly, Congress prime minister Manmohan Singh and his Chief Planning Commissioner, economist Montek Singh, used economic jiggery pokery to claim India’s poverty had fallen to 30%. If there ever was a bigger spin to hide a party’s total failure. Poverty by the two ‘Crafty Singhs’ was counted in calories eaten every day, not in terms of shelter, decent meal and clothes, let alone education and standard of living. Neither the UN nor the Noble Committee took their creative economic models of re-categorising poverty as a serious contribution to intellectual ideas.

Human Rights took on a new meaning in the Congress years. Mrs Gandhi, unleashed police brutality unknown before. Mass forced sterilisation, executions of political activists in ‘fake encounters’ and sending the army at a drop of a hat against Indians campaigning for greater rights was a norm. She politicised the army, dismissing Generals who did not agree to kill their own citizens. Under her the Army was used exactly as the colonialists did, against Indians to keep the family in power.

Congress fostered over 80 detention laws in India. And it even suspended the State’s fundamental duty of protecting life and liberty, enshrined in Article 21, by enacting the 59th Amendment of the Constitution in 1987, which was later brought to an end by international pressure.

No less an institution than Oxford University honoured her blood thirsty democracy with a Indira Gandhi Centre for Sustainable Development. Under pressure the name has changed but scholarships continue. Perhaps it should be named Indira Gandhi scholarship for Sustainable Dynasties by Oxford’s liberal dons. Oxbridge, it must not be forgotten, are essentially missionary colleges created at one time to crusade for Christianity but now western liberal hegemony.

Congress cynically manipulated minorities. It created a fear psychosis among Muslims about Hindus. It took the Hindu vote for granted. It managed to make the majority of Indians (Hindus) feel ashamed of their success and freedom! That has backfired as the hapless Hindu, fed up with guilt, has flocked to the BJP. Unfortunately the BJP has fallen into a Congress created narrative of inverse victimhood.

Congress then used the Sikhs as a scapegoat in 1984, portraying them as unpatriotic and galvanised Hindu vote to rally around a national crises that it had manufactured in the first place. Over 60000 Sikhs have been killed under Congress rule.

Congress attacked one of the most sacred places of India, the Harimandir Sahib, revered by Sikhs, Hindus, Buddhists, Jains and even Muslims through history. Yet in 1984 Congress managed to turn a majority of North Indian Hindus against this deeply revered institution!

It was during Congress rule that over 4000 Sikhs were massacred in Delhi with tyres around their necks, butchered with long knives and beaten to death with iron bars, a model of institutional led mass violence that began to be copied around the world. The orgy of genocide was conducted by Congress leaders with help of State resources! Can’t see liberal Oxbridge scholarship permitting a paper on the Congress contribution to art of mass violence.

It is only under Modi BJP that the perpetrators are being brought to court. The silence is interesting from the likes of Guardian, Time, New York Times or even the Labour party when Sajjan Kumar, one of the main Congress leaders who directed the violence was finally incarcerated in 2019. Congress leaders like Tharoor who was Assistant Secretary General of UN, never tried hard to get his party to convict the culprits of 1984 genocide of Sikhs. So much for his UN role as champion of human rights!

As for Kashmir, more Kashmiris have died for their rights under Congress period than non Congress rule. No serious effort was ever made to resolve the matter until BJP.

Even in corruption, Congress is a world beater. While British politicians gained notoriety and dismissed for £100 expense scams, politicians of Congress have been charged with corruption deals of over £100 million a time and managed to be acquitted!

India does not just need to marginalise Congress. It needs to free itself of this vile dynastic machine as colonialism’s zombie attack on Indians. It is as democratic a party as family owned Workers Party of Democratic People’s Republic of Korean (North) is.

Modi and BJP inherited a country already divided, already entrenched in caste and grounded by mass poverty and revelling in corruption. Contrary to what the TIME magazine is suggesting, Modi is not divider in Chief. The country was already sustainably and violently fragmented by Congress into vote banks for seventy years. TIME magazine needs more informed writers!

Modi is a populist because he is from the masses, speaking the language and mind of the ordinary person.  Whereas the dynasty Congress has supported is from the super elite, the most upper tier of the upper caste Brahmins of Kashmir who have traditionally been obsessed with their fair colour, and as a caste always avoiding marrying anyone of a dark complexion. What can be more un Indian than the Gandhi family. But then what can be more symbolic of colonialism’s lingering shadow in India than the Gandhi family.

The BJP evolved its politics in a period of angst and desperation under the powerful and oppressive period of Congress raj. Many of its leaders were victims in the infamous emergency. It has not thought out its purpose in the evolution of post-colonial Indian consciousness properly. It is trying to introduce the ‘Indian’ in the Indian State and define it but has gone about the wrong way, translating victimhood into a political ideology.

After the brutal and destructive years of Congress, it is not easy to ignore the BJP membership’s anger. But the BJP needs to do just that. It needs to find and create a narrative that unites the country, respects its civilisation and its peoples and heals the deep divisions, acrimonies, economic dis-equilibriums and State violence. Playing divisions is not a natural path for the average Indian. Besides Congress is a much skilled machine at divide and rule.

The BJP needs to start a serious conversation with the civilisations of India. It needs to rethink the essence and relevance of Hindutva agenda and even words such as Hindu as a national identity. It is right in trying to contest the theologies of both Christianity and Islam in the Indian context. Both these religions are offensive, predatory and as un Indian as can be. It is extremely offensive in the Indian civilisation to call someone else’s prophet, religious leader or Guru as a false prophet and declare someone else’s belief as false or in need of redemption. Both religions carry that as a head banner.  India needs to ‘Indianise’ these religions, but violence, hate and forced reconversions is not the appropriate approach.

Contrary to the reports in the media, BJP under Modi is far more open to listening and engage in serious conversation for a better future and dignity for Indians. It is rightly not interested in Indian liberal academics and voices still nursing a crusade to secularise and Europeanise Indian civilisation.

Modi is seen not only as a threat to the western liberal elite of India, but a challenge to western liberal hegemony in the world, who saw India as their greatest asset. It is not surprising that 70 years of bloody divisions and castism are being blamed on 5 years of Modi rule! Why let facts come in the way of idealism!

Despite the incidents of violence and political rhetoric of BJP stalwarts, the real numbers of hate, divisions and State led communal attacks under any single Congress period is manifold more than under Modi. That does not mitigate Modi’s BJP. But given the political landscape the party inherited and the sincere dreams of BJP, Modi is the best hope for a India that can get on the path to realise true Swaraj and a 5000 year old civilisation can offer something more than a curry and hippy music to the world.

]]>
Nathuram Godse

Haasan Sparks Row Over 'Terrorist' Godse

Actor-turned-politician Kamal Haasan on Monday courted controversy calling Nathuram Godse, the man who assassinated Mahatma Gandhi, as the first Hindu terrorist in independent India, remarks that drew criticism from BJP leaders and Hindu outfits.

However, he got support from RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav, who said Godse was “much more” than a terrorist.

“I am not saying this because many Muslims are here. I am saying this in front of Mahatma Gandhi’s statue. The first terrorist in independent India is a Hindu, his name is Nathuram Godse,” Haasan said while campaigning in Tamil Nadu’s Aravakurichi assembly constituency for the by-election.

He further expressed his wish for an India with equality and said, “I am a grandson of Gandhi and I am here to ask a question about that murder. This should be an equal India and the colours in our flag must be in the same proportion, this is the wish of every good Indian”.

Union Minister Giriraj Singh who himself makes controversial statements slammed Haasan for his statement stating that he had started speaking in Congress’ language and alleged that he was trying to falsely accuse Hindus.

“Kamal Haasan has joined the league of Naseeruddin Shah and other people who speak in the language of Congress. The ones who invented terms like Hindu terror, saffron terror. Hindus give food and water to even ants and trees, his statement is pathetic,” Singh said in Patna.

Actor Vivek Oberoi, a “star campaigner” of the BJP, also criticised Haasan and tweeted, “Dear Kamal sir, you are a great artist. Just like art has no religion, terror has no religion either! You can say Ghodse was a terrorist, why would you specify ‘Hindu’? Is it because you were in a Muslim dominated area looking for votes?”

President of Akhil Bharatiya Akhada Parishad, Mahant Narendra Giri, joined Oberoi in the denunciation and suggested Haasan gets treated while adding that Godse cannot be termed a terrorist.

“Who will tell Kamal Haasan that a Hindu can never be a terrorist. Hindus don’t have a mentality or culture to hurt or kill anyone. Wrong accusations have been put on some people, but no Hindu has ever been arrested for terrorism. Nathu Ram Godse doesn’t fall under the category of a terrorist. Kamal Hassan should get himself treated and should study about the community that he belongs to”, Giri told ANI.

Shiv Sena, an ally of the BJP, also joined the attack on Hassan saying his theory is a “flop story” and a “useless statement”.

“Kamal Hassan is a very good actor. But his theory (on Nathuram Godse) is a flop story. People do not have sympathy for Godse. Hindus will not tolerate it when their religion is linked with terrorism. There is no difference between Kamal Haasan and Digvijaya Singh. It is a useless statement just to gain publicity,” Shiv Sena spokesperson Sanjay Raut said.

(ANI)

]]>