Lok Sabha Elections 2024 Archives - Page 3 of 3 - Lokmarg

SP-Cong Alliance Will Cost BJP Over 30 Lok Sabha Seats In UP

By LokMarg 8th March 2024

Rajeev Rai, national secretary and spokesperson of the Samajwadi Party, says their party’s alliance with the Congress will shake BJP to its roots in Uttar Pradesh. His views:

The recent and recurring failure of the Yogi Adityanath government to even conduct fair examinations for police recruitments in Uttar Pradesh has exposed the hollowness of their claims of good governance. If we go with the statistics, over three crore families have been affected with this paper leak forcing them to rethink about the competence of the BJP government. The ongoing wide-scale protests are an indication that Yogi government has lost its appeal among the state electorate. This will ultimately reflect in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections undoubtedly.

And then comes a final nail in their taboot (coffin) as the sealing of seat-sharing agreement between the Congress and the Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh. The coming together of SP and Congress has consolidated the minority community that will vote for us strengthening our prospects and increasing our numbers substantially.

In addition, the inconsistent switch of loyalties by leaders like Om Prakash Rajbhar (SBSP) has angered the OBC community and they, along with a majority of voters of other communities, will be opting for candidates with higher moralities, self-respect and dignity. In my opinion, the BJP tally will be reduced by a minimum of 30 seats in the ensuing electoral battle in the state

The biggest election issue today is unemployment among the state youth. And the Uttar Pradesh janata is asking the BJP leaders that if they cannot properly conduct the competitive exams for police recruitment how are they going to solve the larger issue of creating jobs?

ALSO READ: Narendra Modi’s Southern Discomfort

This was not the first exam (ever since the BJP formed the government in UP in 2017) in which question papers were leaked. About nine competitive exams conducted in the past six years have been cancelled or suspended due to paper leak or corruption charges, forcing the youths to wait endlessly for gainful employment. They constantly live in the fear of getting over-age by the time the examinations are rescheduled/held cleanly.

Not only in UP, the BJP should wait for a shocker in neighboring states like Bihar too where the untiring efforts and the commitment of Tejashwi Yadav (RLD) will demolish the tally of the BJP. In addition, the constant inflation, pan-India unemployment are constantly adding to the discomfort of the people and the saffron party is heading to a substantial loss of over 20 seats in MP and over 70 seats in Maharashtra, West Bengal and Karnataka.

In addition, the results of the stronghold states of BJP that include Rajasthan, Gujarat, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh will also be a shocker and shattering the tall claims of 370 seats for the party and 400-plus seats for the NDA. You cannot win elections by simply painting rosy pictures and selling fake dreams continuously – the voter is now aware and is now fed up with the false promises and claims being made and sold continuously for the past ten years and the country stands united for a positive change.

As told to Rajat Rai

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BJP is India’s Most Powerful Political Magnet

Under Modi, BJP is Now India’s Most Powerful Political Magnet

By Sanjoy Narayan 4th February 2024

It’s a phenomenon that has become so common that it is almost a part of the official protocol. When an incumbent administration has to announce a budget barely months before it seeks reelection, that budget invariably becomes a crowd pleasing one – full of sops, tax rebates, and other carrots that are proffered as enticement to voters. Last week, however, when the finance minister announced India’s interim budget, it was not especially laden with those customary come hither propositions. That’s because Prime Minister Narendra and his regime that is completing its second term and will be seeking a third at the elections, scheduled for April and May this year, expect that they will be a shoo-in for the voters.

In fact, to many it could seem that for Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the elections will be a one-horse race. At the national level, opposition to the ruling regime is in shambles; the multi-party Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA), which was formed last July, has all but disintegrated; and the BJP’s strength and prominence has grown without any signs of abatement.

The BJP has become so dominant that Modi’s government didn’t have to throw in sops or lollipops for voters in last week’s budget. Yes, it had the routine nods and doffs of the hat aimed at the poorest sections of the population: it has focussed on the rural sector and agriculture by boosting several schemes. Yet, it has also cut food subsidies, a delicate area, and not lowered income tax rates. In fact, it will lean on higher tax collections for the coming financial year.

In an election year, an interim budget lets an incumbent government spend until the new administration takes over. If the ruling regime is reelected it can seek approval for a full budget.

That eventuality looks like a certainty. Few doubt that the Modi regime can be ousted in the coming elections. For one, there seems to be no alternative to challenge it. Potential challengers have mainly self-destructed or become weakened. Some former challengers have crossed over to join the BJP or ally with it. Most recently, Nitish Kumar, Bihar’s longest lasting chief minister (last week he was sworn in for a record ninth time) jumped ship to join the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), which is led by the BJP. Ironically, Kumar was the main architect of the opposition alliance, I.N.D.I.A., formed with the sole purpose of ousting the Modi regime. Amen!

Kumar isn’t the only renegade in contemporary Indian politics to clamber aboard the BJP’s bandwagon. Politicians of all stripes from various opposition parties have jumped onto it. It may serve us well to remember that the word “bandwagon” was coined by Phineas T. Barnum, also known as P T Barnum, a famous 19th century American circus owner and showman. He created the term to describe the wagons that transported a circus band. The circus metaphor does fit Indian politics rather well.

Among those who have joined the BJP have been many of its erstwhile critics and sworn opponents. But then politics, at least in India, is marked by promiscuity. Some Congressmen who ditched their party to join the BJP have also been rewarded (or was it a quid pro quo?) by ministerial portfolios in Modi’s Cabinet. The current civil aviation minister, Jyotiraditya Scindia, 53, was in the Congress party for nearly 20 years before joining the BJP in 2020; and the minister for micro, small and medium enterprises, Narayan Rane, 71, also left the Congress to join the BJP in 2019. Rane is not a shy party-hopper. Before joining the Congress he was with the Shiv Sena.

There are many other political leaders, who were originally opposed to the BJP, but now members of that party. Jitin Prasad, 50, a longtime member of the Congress party who has also served as minister in the Congress regime, is now part of the BJP and a minister in the Uttar Pradesh government led by BJP’s Yogi Adityanath. In 2017, the veteran Congress leader from Karnataka, S.M. Krishna, once a foreign minister, joined the BJP. Other prominent politicians who have joined the BJP include the Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, 55, who left the Congress in 2014; Mukul Roy, 69, who left the Trinamool Congress in West Bengal to join the BJP in 2017. In some states such as Uttar Pradesh, there have been televised events organised where opposition politicians have formally joined the BJP ceremoniously.

What makes the BJP a political lodestone in India? A simple answer to that is power. Politics, purists would say, is a pursuit of a calling rather than a career. In a democracy such as in India, the copybook definition of a politician’s ambition would be the urge to serve the people. However, in reality it is the power that politics can bestow on an individual and burnish his importance and status that drives many politicians.

The BJP won the elections and formed the government at the Centre in 2014 and has during the past 10 years decimated opposition at the national level. It is without doubt the most powerful political party in the country and one that offers the most potential for ambitious political leaders. In contrast, the Congress, once referred to as India’s Grand Old Party, is a weak shadow of itself. It has repeatedly lost elections at the Centre as well as in the states: in Parliament, the Congress now has 47 of the 543 seats. In 1984, when Rajiv Gandhi became Prime Minister, it had 414. His son, Rahul, now the party’s most prominent member, is witnessing the Congress’ steady and devastating decline. Of the 28 Indian states, the BJP rules 12 and is part of the ruling alliance in four more. The Congress is part of the ruling alliance in only five states.

The steady decline of the Congress’ importance and sway in Indian politics is one of the chief reasons why ambitious politicians from that party have been disillusioned and have decided to ditch it and join the Modi bandwagon. It is for the same reason that veteran politicians of regional parties such Nitish Kumar and his Janata Dal (United) have chosen to ally with Modi and bury earlier differences with him.

The BJP on its part has welcomed the influx of such renegades. First, many of the new entrants are leaders with considerable influence in their constituencies and can obviously beef up the BJP’s electoral might further. Second, their departure can also serve to weaken their former parties, which is good for the BJP. Some of the younger joinees have good track record as ministers–for instance Scindia or Prasad – and, therefore, can strengthen the BJP’s administrative firepower. They can also help win elections.

Meanwhile, the BJP has been quietly, and a bit invisibly, deepening and strengthening itself. It has become a significant force in Indian politics, and its appeal is multifaceted. While the party has been associated with Hindu nationalism and has been accused of being anti-minorities, it has also been successful in projecting an image of good governance and welfare schemes that appeal to a broad section of the electorate.

The BJP’s leadership, particularly Prime Minister Modi, is seen as strong and decisive, and the party has been successful in expanding its base and electoral presence. Last December, Modi retained his position as the world’s most popular leader with an approval rating of 76 per cent, as per the data released by US-based consultancy firm ‘Morning Consult’.

Additionally, the BJP’s well-oiled and lethal electoral campaign machine, which leaves nothing to chance, has been a significant factor in its success. The reasons for politicians leaving other parties to join the BJP may include disillusionment with their former party’s internal dynamics, leadership, and electoral prospects, but it is also the appeal of the BJP’s ideology, governance, and electoral success that has drawn them to it. Therefore, the BJP’s appeal is not limited to its association with Hindu nationalism, and it has been successful in projecting an image of good governance and welfare schemes that appeal to a broad section of the electorate.

Some observers feel that the BJP lacks a lineup of successors beyond Modi, 73, and home minister Amit Shah, 59, the two most prominent faces in the government. This may not be true. The party has a history of grooming and promoting leaders from within its ranks and is far less dynastic than many other India political parties such as the Congress or even regional parties where the route to leadership is often limited to those with family ties and connections.

Although some BJP leaders have been “sidelined”, including Shivraj Chouhan who was chief minister of Madhya Pradesh, Sushil Modi, who was deputy chief minister of Bihar, Vasundhara Raje, who was chief minister of Rajasthan for two terms, and Raman Singh, who served as chief minister of Chhattisgarh for 15 years, the BJP does have future leaders that it has been grooming.

Some of the younger leaders who have begun making a mark in the BJP and could be watched in the future include Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has emerged as the party’s point person in the north-east; Manoj Tiwari, 53, who the the Delhi BJP leader and whose influence has been growing; Tejasvi Surya, 33, an MP from Bangalore, known for his articulate speeches and strong conservative views; Poonam Mahajan, 43, another MP who is seen as a rising star in the party; and Sarbananda Sonowal, 61, an MP from Assam and currently a minister in the Modi cabinet.

These are just a few names of leaders to watch from the BJP. It will be worth the while to watch how these younger breen of party leaders are groomed and given more responsibility in the coming years. Also worth watching is how many more leaders from other parties make a beeline to what has become India’s most powerful political magnet.

For more details visit us: https://lokmarg.com/

The Countdown to Narendra Modi’s Third Term Begins

By Sanjoy Narayan 14th January 2024

The next time you are at an Indian railway station and it happens to be one of the hundred that has a selfie point, you can pass the time while waiting for your train by taking a photograph of yourself along with a life size replica of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The selfie points, if they’re of the permanent sort, cost around ₹6.25 lakh, while the temporary ones are cheaper at ₹1.25 lakh.

Railway stations aren’t the only places where you can take a selfie with the Prime Minister (albeit in a life-size 3-D avatar) beside you. Such points have also been installed at museums, parks, and other public spaces. According to media reports, universities and even the armed forces have been instructed to install them. One source says the total number of selfie points is 822.

At New Delhi’s international airport terminal, as you walk to the departure gates, there are several booths with Modi’s image along with that of Swami Gyananand where you can take a selfie. Swami, an Indian Mahamandaleshwar saint, is known for his research on Bhagavad Gita, the 700-verse Hindu scripture. He has also founded another organisation to globally promote the Gita.

The ubiquity of images and pictures of Modi, on posters, banners, official documents, and other commonly used official papers and forms for the past 10 years that he has been Prime Minister is not new but now their omnipresence seems truly larger than life and, quite clearly, this has much to do with the forthcoming parliamentary elections, which Modi and his party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) would like to win and extend the tenure of its rule by another five years.

Last December 31, The Guardian’s headline of an article said: BJP win in India’s 2024 general election ‘almost an inevitability’. It was written by Hannah-Ellis Petersen, the newspaper’s South Asia correspondent, and it described how, with less than six months left for the election (in which 900 million Indians will be eligible to vote) the Modi government had launched a nationwide campaign to highlight its achievements “despite criticisms of politicising government bureaucracy and resources for campaigning purposes”.

The Guardian’s use of the word “inevitability” in its headline (although in the article it is attributed to a prominent Indian policy analyst) displays the newspaper’s bias against Modi and his government, which are seen by the West as pushing a Hindu nationalist agenda and creating insecurity among minorities. Nearly 80% of Indians are Hindus and 14% are Muslims. As a percentage of India’s population of more than 1.4 billion, viewed against any global population statistics, both those numbers are huge.

Still, the view from the West could miss the reality on the ground in India. For instance, The Guardian article says: “At state and national level, the apparatus of the country has been skewed heavily towards the BJP since Modi was elected in 2014. He has been accused of overseeing an unprecedented consolidation of power, muzzling critical media, eroding the independence of the judiciary and all forms of parliamentary scrutiny and accountability and using government agencies to pursue and jail political opponents.”

To be sure, many Indian observers also agree that since the BJP-led regime came to power, elections, especially in the more populous northern and central states, have been marked by religious polarisation. And that inequality remains one of the biggest concerns and challenges. The richest 1% of Indians own 58% of wealth, while the richest 10% of Indians own 80% of the wealth. This trend has consistently increased–so the Indian rich are getting richer much faster than the poor, widening the income gap.

Also sadly, despite over 70 years’ of effort by the Indian government, the caste system (or social inequity) also continues to keep widening that gap. People coming from the marginalised sections of caste-based social categories, continue to be directly impacted in terms of their opportunities, access to essential utilities, and their potential as a whole.

The ordinary Indian voter, however, sees Modi as a strongman, a hero who has not only tried to enhance India’s prestige and status on the global stage–last year it hosted as rotational president the G-20 summit; and sent a space mission to land on the moon–but also tried to help improve the average Indian’s economic fortunes. India’s economy has grown at a higher rate than most large economies (although inequality has not been impacted significantly); a slew of subsidies aimed at the poor have benefited millions; and universal digital services have ensured that beneficiaries are not denied what they have the right to receive. Infrastructure, especially roads have improved impressively and so has public access to medical facilities and hygiene.

A well-known publicity and communications strategist of the Congress party, which is the BJP’s main challenger from the Opposition, admits that India will go to the polls with a clear advantage for Modi and his party. In 2019, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), which is led by the BJP, won 353 of the 543 seats in the Lok Sabha, or lower house of Parliament. The BJP on its own won 303 seats. This time, the Congress strategist who spoke on conditions of anonymity, said he wouldn’t be surprised if the NDA wins 350 seats, a staggering 65% of the total seats.

It is a fact that the Indian mainstream media is no longer a platform where criticism of the ruling regime or a focus on problem areas such as religious polarisation is encouraged. In fact, India’s largest newspapers and TV channels are dominated by hagiographic coverage of the Modi-led regime. Even “independent” media outlets, most of which are small and lack robust business models, have begun to shy away from criticising the government or its policies, some of them because they fear retaliation in the shape of tax raids or other regulatory action.

No one really cares. Last year, several leading Indian artists were “commissioned” to make artwork themed on the Prime Minister’s monthly addresses to the nation, Mann Ki Baat. The event, which occurs once a month, is aired by the state-owned TV channels (and co-telecast by many private channels as well) and streamed on the internet and social media platforms. The commissioning of artists marked the 100th episode of Mann Ki Baat and the art that they created was exhibited under the title Jana Shakti (people’s power) at Delhi’s prestigious National Gallery of Modern Art.

Last week it was announced that the Opposition alliance of nearly 30 parties, called I.N.D.I.A., would be headed by the Congress Party’s president, Mallikarjun Kharge. I.N.D.I.A., which stands for ‘Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance’, is a group of opposition parties, including the Congress, which have joined forces to challenge the NDA, led by the BJP, and stop it from securing a third consecutive term at the Centre in the Lok Sabha elections. Most Indians think that it will end in a whimper. And that Modi, 73, and his party will win the elections decisively and secure a third term for the regime he heads.

For more details visit us: https://lokmarg.com/

2024 Will Be Earth’s Year of Elections. What Should You Expect?

By Sanjoy Narayan 7th January 2024

This year could be the year of national elections on Earth. In 64 countries (plus the European Union), two billion humans or one in every four of the eight billion of us that populate the planet will be set to go to the polls. An estimated 1.16 billion of these voters will be from the South Asian countries of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka, with India alone accounting for more than 900 million voters, which is 100 million more than the number that was eligible to vote in the previous national election held in 2019.

After you have wrapped your head around those staggering numbers, consider also how the outcomes of some of those elections could impact the state of the world here on our planet. Take the big ones first. The US will hold its presidential elections in November. As of now, indications are that former Republican President Donald Trump, who served as the 45th president from 2017 to 2021, could be his party’s nominee for the 2024 election. Trump is facing a slew of legal problems but this does not seem to deter his supporters: with 52% of Republican voters or Republican-leaning independent voters, Trump is way ahead of his nearest rivals in the race for nomination.

If Trump, 77, is nominated, the face-off will likely be between him and the Democratic incumbent Joe Biden, 81. If Trump wins, as many analysts think he will if he is nominated, his policies and actions as President of the US will affect not only his country but also the state of the world. More on that soon. For now, turn to another election that will take place this year.

Two months from now, in March, Russia will go to the polls to elect a President. In all likelihood it will be Vladimir Putin who will be re-elected. Putin has been in charge of Russia since late 1999 or more than 21 years and is eligible for re-election this year, as a result of constitutional amendments that he orchestrated in 2020. The amendments reset his previous terms and allowed him to seek two more six-year terms, potentially extending his rule until 2036. Putin is 71 so, in theory, he can rule till he is 84.

Russia is a democracy only in theory. In reality it is an authoritarian state where elections are not free or fair. The Kremlin, Russia’s seat of power, controls the media, the security forces, and the election commission, and Putin has effectively suppressed all opposition, barred many of rivals from contesting the elections and either imprisoned dissenters or exiled them.

A Trump-Putin Combo? If Putin is reelected, Russia will likely continue its aggressive foreign policy, especially in Ukraine and Eastern Europe, and face more international sanctions and isolation. Putin will also tighten his grip on domestic politics and suppress any dissent or opposition. If Trump is elected in 2024, the US will face more political and social turmoil, as Trump will try to overturn his 2020 election loss and pursue his populist agenda. Trump will also undermine democratic institutions and norms, and alienate many US allies and partners.

A Trump-Putin combo would mean that the world could face a more unstable and unpredictable geopolitical situation. Trump and Putin have a long history of mutual admiration and personal rapport, but their interests and agendas are often at odds. Trump could weaken NATO and other US alliances, while Putin could exploit the chaos and expand his influence in regions like Ukraine, Syria, and the Middle East. The risk of conflict and escalation between the two nuclear powers would increase, as well as the challenges for global cooperation on issues like climate change, human rights, and cybersecurity.

A third term for Modi? The biggest national elections this year will be in India, which has the largest electorate in the world, with over 900 million voters eligible to vote for the lower house of Parliament, Lok Sabha, which has 543 seats. India has a multi-party system, with two major alliances competing for power this year: the incumbent National Democratic Alliance (NDA), led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and the opposition Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (I.N.D.I.A.), led by the Indian National Congress (INC) and its president, Mallikarjun Kharge.

India’s elections are held in multiple phases, spanning over several weeks, to ensure security and logistical arrangements. In 2019, the elections were held in seven phases, from 11 April to 19 May. The schedule for 2024 is yet to be announced by the Election Commission of India (ECI).

India’s elections also involve millions of polling staff, security personnel, electronic voting machines, and observers. In 2019, there were over 10 lakh polling stations, 17.4 lakh voting machines, and 23 lakh security personnel deployed across the country.

India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi is widely expected to win a third term in 2024, as he enjoys a strong popularity and because the Opposition is weak. In recent months, his party has scored significant victories in state elections, which could be an indication that voters’ support for it is strong.

A third term may see India becoming one of the top three economies in the world. India’s economy is one of the largest and fastest-growing in the world. According to the latest data from the World Bank, India’s nominal GDP was $3.73 trillion in 2023, making it the fifth-largest economy in the world after the USA, China, Japan, and Germany. India’s GDP growth rate was 7.6% in the second quarter of 2023-24, higher than most of the major economies.

India’s per capita income was $2,389 in 2022, which ranked 112th in the world. India’s per capita GDP on PPP basis was $8,379 in 2022, according to the World Bank. In comparison, China’s per capita GDP on PPP basis was $21,476 in 2022. This means that China’s per capita GDP on PPP basis was more than twice as high as India’s.

Prime Minister Modi faces some challenges such as poverty, inequality, infrastructure gaps, environmental issues, and fiscal deficits. However, during his tenure, which began in 2014, India has also undertaken several reforms and initiatives to boost its economic potential, such as the Goods and Services Tax (GST), the Make in India campaign, the Digital India program, and the Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan. India aims to become a $5 trillion economy by 2027 and a $10 trillion economy by 2032.

Led by Modi, India recently had a successful G20 presidency and a lunar mission. For a country of its size, it has also managed a satisfactory a post-COVID-19 recovery and achieved robust growth. India has also been part of a new Indo-Pacific alliance against China, along with the US, Australia, and Japan, to counter China’s expansionist ambitions and assert India’s role as a key player in the region.

In crisis areas such as the Russian aggression in Ukraine and the Israel-Hamas war, India has protected its own economic and political interests instead of taking sides. That sort of strategy could be expected to continue on the international front. Relations with China remain tense, though, especially on border disputes between the two countries although under Modi, the foreign policy targeted at China and Pakistan (with which there are continuing disputes on the western borders of the country) has been assertive.

Modi may, however, face some challenges in balancing the interests of different Indian states and regions, as well as in addressing the issues of social justice, environmental protection, and democratic rights.

Elections in the rest of South Asia. India’s neighbours, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka, will also go to the polls this year. In Pakistan, elections are scheduled to be held in February but the Pakistan Senate has passed a resolution seeking to delay the elections due to security and weather concerns. The resolution is not binding and the final decision rests with the Election Commission of Pakistan. With the former Prime Minister Imran Khan in jail on corruption charges, the main contenders are the Pakistan Muslim League (N), led by former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, and the Pakistan Peoples Party, led by former Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari. In Pakistan, the army plays a key role in politics and the government and outcome of the election there will be keenly watched.

Elections will also take place this year in Bangladesh, where Sheikh Hasina of the Awami League has been in power since 2009 and where she is accused of silencing dissent and ruling with an authoritarian iron hand. She is expected to win another term.

India’s other neighbour, Sri Lanka, also goes to the polls this year. Two years ago, the then president of the island nation Gotabaya Rajapaksa was forced to flee his country after protests accused him for the country’s worst economic crisis in 73 years. Inflation had soared and the nation had turned bankrupt leaving millions in the tiny country unable to get food, fuel or healthcare. That was when the current President Ranil Wickremesinghe took over. But elections haven’t been held in Sri Lanka since 2018 and if a date is finally announced for this year, all eyes will be on who gets the people’s mandate. Wickremesinghe, who helped get a loan from the International Monetary Fund and has led several reforms to get the economy back on track, will likely contest and hope for a second term.

Other notable elections in the world include Indonesia, where the current incumbent Joko Widodo (aka Jokowi) is ineligible due to term limits.

Besides this, there will be elections in Iran, South Korea, Panama, and several African Nations, including Rwanda, Libya, Mali, and Ghana. As I said, this year is the year of elections on Earth.

‘Ram Mandir is a Symbol of Unity For the Country’

By LokMarg 6th December 2023

Sagar Bachchas, a 21-year-old student from Ghaziabad, UP, shares his views on the Ram Temple and how it is paramount for the upcoming elections in 2024

BJP knows that elections cannot be won by development alone. They need to touch the emotional chord of the electorate and rake up issues like the Ram Mandir to win elections in 2024. And BJP realized this after its defeat in the 2004 general elections when it gave the slogan of ‘India Shining’.

In 2001, the party put forward the issue of Ram Mandir but not with full force. Earlier, Congress leader Rajiv Gandhi had promised to establish Ram Rajya in Ayodhya to pacify the Hindus but after winning the elections he obviously forgot about it. And BJP took advantage of this and then Prime Minister Modi has vigorously chased it since 2014 and made two promises – first was related to Article 370 and second to construction of Ram Mandir. He has delivered on both count.

The electorate today believes that for the last 10 years, the Congress has been creating problems in the construction of Ram Mandir to safeguard its vote bank. It did not get the Ram Mandir constructed while in power. Rather, it initiated criticism and speculation around it.

Even now, wherever the opposition party is in power, it is playing the caste census card and trying to mislead and divide the country; while the BJP is giving a message of unity through the construction of Ram temple.

BJP is set to promote the temple in an organized manner. By inaugurating the Ram Mandir, BJP might garner votes from South India (Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Telangana) because the people there are also very sensitive about the subject.

ALSO READ: ‘BJP Has Raised And Dropped Ayodhya Issue Cyclically’

On the other hand, the Ram Mandir Trust and RSS will take the Ram Mandir inauguration ceremony as a celebration to the temples of 5 lakh villages and to the NRI families of about 156 countries living abroad. This will have a direct impact on the elections to be held in 2024.

At yet another level, just like other temples in the country provide employment, similarly people here will also benefit. According to estimates, about 16,000 people work in Tirupati Balaji temple and Ram temple is set to have a high employment potential. Alongside, the work of hotel bookings, travel agencies, flower garlands and religious items will get a boost. Nearly 1.5 crore people visited Ayodhya in the year 2014.

In 2022, this figure touched 4 crores, including about 55,000 indigenous people. Due to this, rail travel is expected to increase by about 15 times because the number of visitors has increased 2.5 times in the last six years. Foreign investors are being attracted to such development due to which foreign investment is big in Uttar Pradesh, and this will also lead to more jobs; and better economy. All this will put Ayodhya on the world map.

The construction of Ram temple in Ayodhya is the beginning of an era of development not only for Modiji but also for Uttar Pradesh and the country. I don’t need to say this, but soon Ayodhya shall see a boom in the real estate – people will be able to sell or lease their lands at good prices. The contribution of religious pilgrimage in the GDP of our country is 2.32% and the economy of temples is around 3.02 lakh crores.

The business in our country due to the construction of Ram temple will be huge and the income the government will earn from the temple will also help the country become the third largest economy in the world.

As told to Deepa Gupta

‘Ram Mandir is the Election Trump Card of BJP for 2024’

By LokMarg 10th November 2023

Jaishanker Gupta, a veteran journalist and political observer, says the BJP will try to milk Ram Mandir issue to its maximum in the run-up to 2024 Lok Sabha elections. His views:

As the consecration ceremony of the Ram Temple, slated to be on January 22, draws near, there is little doubt that the BJP will expect to milk it to the utmost for political gains. A leader of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s stature will be attending the ceremony for obvious reasons. After all, it was the Ram Temple issue that catapulted the party to centre-stage in 1990.

Like previous elections, the ‘occasion’ is definitely being used for polarization of a particular section of vote that, by and large, stirs the ‘emotion’ every time for the saffron party. This has also been accepted by Modi who said that it is a good fortune that in his lifetime that he is witness to the building of Ram Temple in Ayodhya.

It was also clear from Modi’s Dussehra speech when he declared that ‘the much awaited moment is about to come and Ram Lala will find his divine seat at his birthplace. RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat had also talked about the inauguration of the temple and had called upon people to be a part of the celebration. This clearly indicates that the issue is going to be one of the top election agenda for the party.

ALSO READ: A Hope From Ram Mandir

For the past few months, Modi had also been projecting the 2024 general elections as one of development and legacy and he has spoken about this on many occasions. BJP also believes that in the last few years, from reviving the heritage to taking many other new initiatives, a new spirit of identifying our roots and boasting about it has emerged in the country, which will benefit the party. It will not at all be wrong to say that in this sequence, the biggest bet is from Ram temple. Modi himself can give a big message by being present on this occasion and it is believed that BJP’s election campaign can also start from this occasion.

Though BJP top notch leaders deny it out rightly, some were bold enough to accept the importance and ‘usage’ of the issue. Late Sushma Swaraj once said that the Ram Mandir issue is like a bearer cheque that could be en-cashed only once (in the elections). Former BJP president late Kusha Bhau Thakre, while replying to a similar question, once said that a boat is only useful to cross a river and you cannot carry it on your shoulders once you have crossed the river.

The theme of every election is different and every party establishes its strongest point as a narrative in its own way. In such a situation, it is natural that BJP will present and use this opportunity for Hindu renaissance along with developmental issues in the next elections. The biggest advantage for them is that it will not be easy for the opposition parties to counter it.

As told to Rajat Rai

For more details visit us: https://lokmarg.com/

Whatever Happens in Five Assembly Elections, Modi Could Still Get a Third Term

By Sanjoy Narayan 22nd October 2023

“It’s the semi-finals,” says a journalist friend in Delhi. We were chatting on the phone about next month’s assembly elections in which five Indian states, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Telangana, and Mizoram will go to the polls. The sports reference relates to the big finals, next year’s parliamentary elections, due in May and in which more than 900 million Indians will cast their votes to elect a new government for India and in which the Narendra Modi-led regime in power would be keen to win a third term.

Many in India believe Modi and his party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), would likely sweep the parliamentary polls again. Still, much could depend on how the next round of assembly elections pan out.

The BJP, on its own, or as a dominant partner, or in alliance with other parties, rules in 15 states and one Union Territory (India has 28 states and eight UTs). And while Modi and his party have for long pursued a mission of trying to win in as many states in the country, and for a while it seemed like that ambition would come true, in recent assembly elections, they have not fared exceedingly well. Notably, in May this year, when elections were held in the southern state of Karnataka, it was the Congress that won it with a landslide victory by getting 135 of the 224 seats and recording its biggest win since 1989.

In fact, the outcomes of assembly elections that were held in the past two years have been mixed for the BJP. To be sure, it did win some of these. In Goa, in May 2022, it retained power by winning 27 of the 40 seats; in the trouble-torn northeastern state of Manipur, in March last year it won a second term; in Uttarakhand too it became the first party to be re-elected when the state elections were held in March 2022; in the most populous state (and one of the most electorally important ones) of Uttar Pradesh, it retained power for the second time led by chief minister Yogi Adityanath who is perceived as a hardline Hindu nationalist but has also proved to be popular and successful; and in Gujarat, which is Modi’s home state, the BJP won again and has now been in power for 28 years.

Besides Karnataka, there have been other setbacks as well for the BJP. In Punjab last year, for instance, it was the Aam Aadmi Party, which swept the polls defeating all three, BJP, Congress, and the Akali Dal. In Himachal Pradesh, in November 2022, it was ousted by the Congress, which came back to power after losing its majority in 2017. Also, in the southern states, with the exception of Karnataka, where the BJP has managed to form governments in the past, the party’s spread has been insignificant.

In India, elections, besides being held on a humongous scale, are complex and the outcomes depend on myriad factors. Incumbent governments often face the wrath of disappointed voters; castes and communal conflicts play a decisive role; and, particularly in the states, local issues dominate. Indian voters often vote differently in state elections from what they do in the parliamentary elections. The Modi-led regime, for instance, won 282 of the 543 parliamentary seats in 2014 when it came to power, and did even better in 2019 when it got reelected by winning 303 seats.

My friend, the Delhi journalist who calls next month’s state elections the semi-finals, reminded me about how Modi’s draw among Indian voters has not shown signs of weakening. His impressive personality (of being a strong leader who eclipses all of his opponents) and his government’s achievements appeal to people and these factors could decide who wins the finals when parliamentary elections are held next May. Yet, what happens in the five states that go to the polls next month could also have a bearing on whom voters would choose then. So, what could be the likely outcomes of these five state elections?

In the large central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh, it is the BJP that now rules. Led by chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan, the BJP has been in power there for four terms. However, things are not simple for it. The last assembly elections in the state were actually won by the Congress but that government collapsed in 2020 after 22 Congress legislators who were loyal to the erstwhile Congress leader, Jyotiraditya Scindia, resigned when he jumped ship and joined the BJP. This reduced the strength of the Congress from 114 to 92 in the 230-member assembly, while the BJP had 107 MLAs. The BJP then staked claim to form the government with the support of other parties. So its tenure has been tenuous.

Chouhan could face significant anti-incumbency headwinds in next month’s elections. Also, under Kamal Nath, a veteran party leader, now 76, the Congress has been consolidating its base in the state and many believe the party could pose a big challenge to the BJP. And although Chouhan is popular and influential in the state and is known for his welfare schemes and development initiatives, especially for farmers and backward classes, his party’s central leadership in Delhi often doesn’t see eye to eye with him. These are factors that could jeopardise a BJP victory in the state.

In Rajasthan, the situation is equally complex. The state’s Congress chief minister is Ashok Gehlot who has been in office since late 2018, after leading his party to victory in the state election. In the early part of his regime, his then deputy chief minister, the Congress leader Sachin Pilot, and Gehlot had a falling out with the former rebelling over issues of power-sharing and governance. Pilot was removed from his post and the party’s future in the state was under a shadow. However, since then the two have reconciled. On the other hand, it is the BJP in Rajasthan that is in an unstable state because the party faces several challenges and uncertainties ahead of the 2023 assembly elections.

One of the factors is the role played by BJP leader Vasundhara Raje, a former chief minister and the most prominent leader of the BJP in Rajasthan. She has been sidelined by her party’s high command and has not been projected as the chief ministerial candidate. She has also been in conflict with some of the central leaders, such as Union Minister Gajendra Singh Shekhawat, who is seen as a rival to her in the state. Many of her supporters have been denied party tickets, and she has not been actively involved in the election campaign so far. This could queer the pitch for the party in the coming elections.

There is also an anti-incumbency factor against the BJP. Although it is not in power in the state now, it has ruled Rajasthan for 28 years since 1995 before the current Congress came to power in 2018 and it has faced criticism for its poor management of the Covid-19 pandemic, rising unemployment, high inflation, low economic growth and rampant crime. The party has also failed to address the issues of farmers, backward classes, women and minorities. That and the fact that Raje could divide the BJP vote could be factors that could go against the party and favour the Congress.

In Telangana, a state that was formed in 2014 after a long and intense movement for a separate statehood from Andhra Pradesh, neither the BJP nor the Congress have any significant possibility of gaining ground. The ruling regional party, Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS), has dissolved the assembly and called for early polls, hoping to cash in on its popularity and avoid any anti-incumbency. The TRS is confident of retaining power on the basis of its welfare schemes and development initiatives, especially for farmers and backward classes. The main opposition is the Congress-led alliance, which includes the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), the Communist Party of India (CPI) and the Telangana Jana Samithi (TJS). The alliance is challenging the TRS on the issues of unemployment, corruption and family rule. The BJP is also trying to increase its presence in the state, where it won only five seats in 2014. But some opinion polls have given a comfortable majority to the TRS, while others have suggested a tight race.

In the northeastern state of Mizoram the Mizo National Front (MNF), which is a regional party that follows the Mizo nationalist ideology, is in power with the party’s leader Zoramthanga as the chief minister. The MNF won 26 seats out of 40 in 2018. While the Congress has a bigger presence than the BJP in the state, recent inter-tribe violence and conflicts in another northeastern state, Manipur, could influence which way Mizo voters would swing. There could be mistrust and lack of faith in central parties such as the Congress and BJP and that could go in favour of regional parties such as the MNF.

In Chhattisgarh, another central Indian state, the Congress came to power in 2018, after winning 68 out of 90 seats by ousting the BJP, which got only 15 seats. The current chief minister of Chhattisgarh, Bhupesh Baghel, is expected to lead his party to another victory in the state over the BJP.

So, let us suppose the BJP fares badly in next month’s elections. Say, it loses in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Chattisgarh, and fails to make any significant inroads in Telangana and Mizoram, what would that mean for Modi when he braces up for the parliamentary elections in May? Would the semi-finals have a bearing on the finals?

There are many who go by the logic that Indians vote differently in their state elections where local issues dominate and differently at the central level where it is Modi’s personality, image, and the confidence he exudes that will matter (in most opinion polls he emerges as by far the strongest Indian political leader).

The other thing is what has become known as the TINA (or There is No Alternative) factor. Coined in the 19th century by the classical liberal thinker and Darwinist Herbert Spencer, the phrase is associated with the policies and persona of the Conservative British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. Thatcher used this phrase in a speech to the Conservative Women’s Conference on May 21, 1980, where she appealed to the notion saying, “We have to get our production and our earnings into balance. There’s no easy popularity in what we are proposing but it is fundamentally sound. Yet I believe people accept there’s no real alternative.”

While the phrase is often used in political and financial contexts to justify decisions, in the Indian political context it could be interpreted as there being no alternative to Modi when it comes to the parliamentary elections.

The Modi government has been in power for nine years. During this time, it has introduced some long-awaited reforms in the country. Some of its achievements include the Goods and Services Tax (GST), the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC), and the Swachh Bharat campaign. The Indian economy has witnessed an impressive rise, and India is now the fifth largest economy in terms of GDP. However, the Modi government faces a plethora of challenges such as unemployment, inequality, farmer distress, and rising inflation. There has also been an increase in communal tensions, especially between the majority comprising Hindus (80% of the population) and Muslims (a bit less than 15%).

Yet, there is no obvious alternative to him. The alliance of 26 Opposition parties, fashioned under the acronym, I.N.D.I.A., which also includes the Congress, intends to fight the BJP in the parliamentary elections as a united front but is itself riddled with rivalries, differences, and lack of consensus. More importantly, it does not have a personality that it could project to take on Modi. Will what happens in the semi-finals affect what happens in the finals? Probably not.

‘BJP is in Panic Mode After Formation of INDIA Alliance’

By LokMarg 4th August 2023

Ajith Pillai, a veteran journalist and writer, says Opposition has played a masterstroke by calling 2024 election as an INDIA Vs Modi contest and a battle for democracy. His views:

By any yardstick, the coming together of 26 political parties earlier to form a united Opposition front against the ruling BJP-led NDA is a significant development. The move has literally rewritten the political script for the 2024 general elections. It will no longer be a fragmented or loosely held clutch of political parties which will challenge the BJP, but a closely knit alliance committed to “safeguarding democracy and the guiding principles of social justice and equality spelt out in the Constitution”.

While such proclamations can be dismissed as meaningless rhetoric by critics, the coming together of the Opposition and the imminent threat it poses has not been lost on the BJP. So, what was until recently billed as a one-sided ‘Modi vs the Rest’ contest, suddenly had to be rephrased as a ‘War between Alliances’. The saffron party, which had not paid much heed to its allies till then, went into an overdrive to rally them together. More importantly, it set off on a desperate hunt for new friends.

Even non-descript regional parties were persuaded to jump on the NDA bandwagon. The wooing exercise, replete with promises, did not stop till the BJP could parade 39 allies before the nation. That was 13 more than the 26 in the Opposition camp and was promptly projected in sections of the media as a moral victory. But, was it?

The NDA looked more like a hurriedly cobbled ragtag army — an expression which BJP supporters often use to deride the Congress and its allies.

The BJP’s troubles did not end with securing more allies. The challenge posed by the Opposition alliance also came from an unexpected quarter — its name. The Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance, admittedly, is a mouthful to say or remember. In its abbreviated form it becomes I.N.D.I.A, or, simply, INDIA. Certainly, whoever came up with the name and acronym had packed a punch.

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The BJP immediately smelt danger because several Opposition leaders were quick to dub 2024 as an INDIA Vs Modi contest and a battle for democracy. That was the last thing that the ruling dispensation wanted since it sent out an implicit message that Modi was fighting India. Even pitching the fight as one which pitted the NDA against I.N.D.I.A did not have a positive ring to it.

Hence, it was decided to rubbish I.N.D.I.A. It soon dithered into a ludicrous effort trying to claim that India is not India but Bharat. In a clear case of cutting the nose to spite the face, the BJP’s troll army and establishment-friendly members of the commentariat tried to run down India as a name given by foreigners. Later, the argument was recalibrated by none other than the prime minister who stated that by calling itself India, the Opposition has not earned any glory or deceived anyone. Even the much-reviled East India Company or the Indian Mujahideen has India in its name!

The very fact that Modi entered the argument reveals that he is deeply concerned. Surely, there are other signals that are equally worrying for the BJP.

Communal violence nationwide, including in Manipur, unemployment and rising prices are issues that the Opposition will surely focus on. It knows that despite the rosy data dished out by government agencies and the IMF, the rising prices of essentials is a reality that the ordinary citizen faces with no relief. It is also beginning to sink in that corporate sops and loan write-offs (Rs 15.31 lakh crores in the last ten years), deplete the national exchequer and is recovered through higher GST and other indirect levies. These inflate prices and keeps fuel costs high even when crude prices have crashed. Remember, the poor contribute more to indirect taxes than the minority rich. ‘We the taxpayers’ are not the suited-booted gentry portrayed on prime-time, but the humble citizen.

Till now, the BJP has banked on promoting religious and cultural insecurity among Hindus to hide its inequitable economic policies which robs the poor and subsidises the rich. It also masked rising unemployment through the clever use of data and by keeping the communal cauldron boiling. Hindus are in danger, Bharatiya culture is being extinguished — this has been the ritualistic war cry. It remains to be seen if this formula will succeed again.

As for the Opposition alliance, it must hold together, forget past differences, and ignore the provocations from a powerful section of the media which has sold its soul to the establishment.

(The narrator has been a journalist for over 35 years, and reported out of Bombay, Chennai, Delhi, Andhra Pradesh and Kashmir on a wide range of events related to politics, conflict, crime and social change for leading media publications. He has authored two books: Off the Record – Untold Stories from a Reporter’s Diary and a novel, Junkland Journeys)

As told to Amit Sengupta

2/3rd Population Is Going To Defeat BJP: Akhilesh

By LokMarg 17th July 2023

Samajwadi Party (SP) chief Akhilesh Yadav who arrived in Bengaluru on Monday to attend the two-day joint Opposition meeting, hoped that the people of the country would give the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) a massive defeat in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections.

“…2/3rd of the population is going to defeat BJP. I hope that the people of the country will give BJP a massive defeat…I am receiving inputs from all corners of the country that the BJP will be wiped out…,” SP chief Akhilesh Yadav said ahead of the Opposition meeting.
Earlier today, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin and party MP TR Baalu on Monday reached Bengaluru to attend the two-day joint Opposition meeting.

The opposition parties are seeking to put up a united front to take on the BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls.

Meanwhile, big posters and banners were seen put up on Race Course Road in Bengaluru welcoming leaders of various opposition parties for the joint opposition meeting at the Taj West End Hotel in the Karnataka capital.

Congress has rallied support from 26 parties for the second opposition unity meeting to take on the BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls. The first opposition unity meeting was held in Patna last month.

The formal opposition meeting will take place on Tuesday. The meeting will start at about at 11 am and will continue till 4 pm. Party leader Sonia Gandhi will also be present.

An informal meeting is scheduled at 6 pm after which there will be dinner at 8 pm.

Several committees are expected to be formed which will hold meetings to deliberate on various issues pertaining to the alliance. Various groups and sub-groups may also be formed. (ANI)

Tango In US While India Burns

By Amit Sengupta 28th June 2023

“What’s happening in India?”

The Prime Minister seems to have queried, seeking a response from the BJP chief, after his six-day lackluster tour of the US and Egypt, with 31 drones and metaphysical jet engines thrown in. In an equally lackluster tenure, without holding a single press conference, and without answering a single query from a journalist, except for the stooge media, he should have instead listened to the perceptive question by Sabrina Siddiqui in the White House press meet with Joe Biden. He would have, then, actually, not only rediscovered Nehru’s India and its original and authentic DNA, he would have also discovered what he has done to its wounded body and soul during his one-dimensional regime of a dictatorship camouflaged as democracy.

So what is happening in what is euphemistically called the largest democracy in India?

For one, the civil war is raging in the sensitive border state of Manipur, with the homes of ministers and BJP leaders being attacked routinely, women blockading the security forces, a huge lack of ration and basic amenities, everything shut down across the Imphal Valley dominated by the Meiteis, and the hills populated by the Kukis; militants, armed to the teeth, strutting around like warlords across both camps, both the camps fiercely pitched against each other with no possibility of reconciliation in the near or distant future, the hollow hyped-up, double-engine government totally paralysed, and the Union home minister, seemingly, equally at a loss, neither here nor there, in this terrible Catch-22 scenario.

While the PM did a toast with Biden, or, Kamala Harris, who seems to have totally disappeared from the scene, and serenaded around the Egyptian pyramids!

Meanwhile, our world champion women wrestlers continue to touch a deep and intimate chord with the body and soul of the nation, especially with our mothers and daughters. Like real warriors, they are now practicing hard for the next battle in the next international turf, and they are certain, in word and deed, that the fight is on. Even while the BJP bahubali too seems to have disappeared.

They will, indeed, remain eternally, an inspirational role model for girls and women all over India and the world for all time to come. Even while the PM, as in the case of a ruined Manipur, has yet again been rendered speechless, completely forgetting the DNA of the nation he talks about with such easy lucidity.

Besides, the opposition has sensed a breakthrough; one step forward and two steps back. They seem strategic and flexible, choosing consensus and not chaos, tactical advantage, not one-upmanship. There was bonhomie too as Laloo Yadav, who has never ever compromised with the communal forces, like the Congress, and who retains his magical sense of humour despite severe loss of health and a long stint in prison enacted by a revengeful PM, cracked a fatherly joke on Rahul Gandhi. “So why don’t you get married?” Even as the rest of the leaders had a good laugh.

Undoubtedly, the drubbing of the BJP in the Karnataka polls has rubbed a bucket-full-of-salt on the fake messiah, who fought the elections, as in Bengal, as if it was a mandate on him, and him alone, with several solo rallies and road shows, throwing in a fake propaganda movie, and manipulating the mythical sacredness of Jai Bajrang Bali, as failed poll gambits. Denying subsidised rice to Karnataka for the poor, as promised by the Congress, is so typically a vicious act in a long series of such petty acts, that no one is surprised.

As 15-plus opposition parties joined hands in Patna, the 56 inches seem to be shrinking, as if isolated, alienated, ageing, at a total loss about his future, one-dimensional and alone, outside static time and space. You don’t even see him with his party leaders. While a desperate BJP has been left with no allies, except inconsequential splinter groups. So, again, will it be dil maange more once more for the messiah?

Not really. That the opposition conclave waited for both Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge, and postponed the meet, is more than a pointer that the Congress has changed both its contours and character. Mamata Bannerjee not only came along, but played a happy referee with the Congress and a sulking Arvind Kejriwal.

Not only that, in eternal hibernation, even Akhilesh Yadav joined, and seems to be oiling his Samajwadi cycle in UP, instead of stagnating in the stasis of his comfort zone. Predictably, Mayawati, Jagan Reddy and Naveen Patnaik were not invited, and correctly so, while Chandreshaker Rao remains in a dilemma. While his daughter is being hounded by the ED, he knows deep in his heart that he will lose the assembly polls in Telengana at the hands of the Congress this time round. Hence, his national ambition seems to have been clipped in the bud.

There are ground reports that the Congress will do exceedingly well in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. If the Congress agrees to accept the leadership of the regional parties where they are weak, as in Bengal or Tamil Nadu, which it will, then the ‘one is to one’ contest will be a strategic double advantage for the opposition alliance. In Bengal, Kerala and Tamil Nadu, the regional parties will yet again be victorious, while the Mahagathbandhan in Bihar is bound to win.

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The Shiv Sena-NCP-Congress alliance has a solid chance in Maharashtra for multiple reasons. The Shinde faction is totally discredited with big brother BJP breathing down its neck. With the Shiv Sena cadre still steadfast with Uddhav Thackeray, they are reluctant to fight even the municipal corporation elections! And having checkmated Ajit Pawar, who just can’t be trusted, the NCP is firmly in the command of Sharad Pawar.

The whole world knows that a wily Pawar can smell the tide on a full moon night and the shifting wind with an instinct so sharp, that no other politician in India can match it! So what has he said? He stated categorically after the BJP got so decisively crushed in Karnataka that its days are now over. Coming from Pawar, not even the BJP can deny it.

Meanwhile, the White House has condemned the harassment of Sabrina Siddiqui. who works for the prestigious Wall Street Journal. “We’re aware of the reports of that harassment. It’s unacceptable, and we absolutely condemn any harassment of journalists anywhere in any circumstances,” John Kirby, a White Hose spokesperson on national security issues, told reporters, according to a media organization, The Hill (thehill.com).

He was responding to a journalist’s query on the online harassment of longtime White House reporter Sabrina Siddiqui. “That’s just completely unacceptable, and it’s antithetical to the principles of democracy that… were on display last week during the state visit,” Kirby said.

Indeed, Sabrina was only echoing what Barack Obama had earlier spoken to CNN journalist, Chritiane Amanpour, and which is shared by all democrats across the globe, including leading think tanks in Europe. Obama had said: “If the (US) president meets Prime Minister Modi, then the protection of the Muslim minority in a Hindu majority India is worth mentioning. If I had a conversation with Prime Minister Modi, who I know well, part of my argument would be that if you don’t protect the rights of ethnic minorities in India, there is a strong possibility that India would at some point start pulling apart… We have seen what happens when you start getting those kinds of large internal conflicts. So that would be contrary to the interests of not only the Muslim India but also the Hindu India. I think it is important to be able to talk about these things honestly.”

So, really, what’s happening in India?