Illegal Migration in Assam And Need for NRC-CAA

Illegal Migration in Assam And Need for NRC-CAA

Illegal migration has been a persistent issue in Assam, a state in the northeastern part of India, for decades. This phenomenon, particularly from neighbouring Bangladesh, has significantly affected Assam’s demographic, social, political, and economic landscape. The National Register of Citizens (NRC) and the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) are two controversial measures aimed at addressing this issue. However, their implementation has sparked intense debates, both within Assam and across India. This article delves into the impact of illegal migration in Assam and argues why prioritizing the implementation of the NRC and CAA is essential to resolve long-standing tensions in the region.

The Genesis of Migration in Assam: The problem of illegal migration into Assam can be traced back to the colonial era, particularly during British rule when the need for labor in tea plantations and agricultural work drew people from Bengal, including present-day Bangladesh. Following India’s partition in 1947, the migration issue persisted due to the porous border shared with East Pakistan and later Bangladesh. However, the real surge in migration happened after the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War, when millions of refugees fled to India, many of whom settled in Assam. Although most returned after the war, a substantial number remained, sparking demographic changes that have had lasting effects on Assam’s society and politics.

Demographic Shift: One of the most significant impacts of illegal migration in Assam has been the demographic shift. Over the years, the influx of migrants from Bangladesh has led to a substantial increase in the state’s Muslim population, particularly in border districts. According to various reports, districts like Dhubri, Goalpara, Karimganj and Barpeta have seen a considerable rise in Muslim populations. This demographic transformation has caused anxiety among the indigenous Assamese population, who fear becoming minorities in their land. The changing demographic has had ripple effects, including in the domains of cultural identity, political representation, and access to resources.

Economic Strain: The influx of illegal migrants has placed a strain on Assam’s economy. Migrants, particularly those from rural and impoverished backgrounds, have added pressure to the state’s already limited resources. Jobs, especially in the informal sector, have become scarce for locals, with migrants often willing to work for lower wages, thus displacing native Assamese laborers. The illegal migration has also put pressure on land, with reports of land encroachments by migrants causing further unrest. Agriculture, the backbone of Assam’s economy, has seen disruptions as illegal settlers often occupy agricultural lands, leading to conflicts with indigenous farmers.

Cultural and Linguistic Erosion: The Assamese people take pride in their rich cultural and linguistic heritage. However, with the influx of a large number of migrants, the Assamese language and culture have faced the threat of marginalization. Assamese nationalism, which is deeply intertwined with the state’s cultural identity, has been overshadowed by the changing demographic patterns. Many fear that the continued migration will lead to the erosion of Assamese traditions, customs, and linguistic dominance in the state. This cultural alienation has been a key factor behind the rise of various ethnic and nationalist movements in Assam over the years.

Political Instability and Communal Tensions: Illegal migration has fuelled political instability and contributed to communal tensions in Assam. Various political parties have used the issue as a tool to consolidate vote banks, often exacerbating divisions along religious and ethnic lines. The politics of appeasement have led to a polarized society, with one section supporting the protection of illegal migrants for political gains while another demands their identification and deportation. Communal violence, such as the Nellie massacre of 1983, where over 2,000 people were killed during anti-migrant protests, highlights how deeply entrenched the migration issue is in the state’s psyche.

Security Concerns: Assam shares a long and porous border with Bangladesh, which has facilitated illegal migration over the years. The security implications of this are profound. Apart from economic and cultural issues, there is a growing concern about the infiltration of anti-national elements, including militants, through these porous borders. The Assam insurgency and the rise of extremist groups in the region have been linked, in part, to illegal migration, as militants have reportedly exploited the migrant issue to recruit and operate within the state.

The NRC and CAA Debate: To address the issue of illegal migration, the Government of India has proposed two major policy measures: the National Register of Citizens (NRC) and the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). Each of these measures aims to identify and regularize citizenship status, but their execution has been fraught with controversy.

The NRC is a mechanism that seeks to identify and document all legal citizens of Assam. It was initially implemented in Assam following the Assam Accord of 1985. It was signed after years of anti-immigrant protests by the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) and other Assamese nationalist groups. The accord set March 24, 1971, as the cut-off date for determining Indian citizenship in Assam—those who arrived before this date would be considered citizens, while those who came after would be regarded as illegal migrants.

The updated NRC was published in 2019, and it excluded nearly 1.9 million people, raising concerns about its accuracy. Critics argued that many legitimate citizens were left out due to bureaucratic errors and insufficient documentation, while others claimed the process targeted specific religious communities. Despite these challenges, proponents argue that the NRC is crucial for identifying illegal migrants and ensuring that Assam’s indigenous population is not displaced or marginalized.

The CAA, passed in 2019, seeks to provide citizenship to non-Muslim refugees from Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Afghanistan who arrived in India before December 31, 2014. The act primarily benefits Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis, and Christians who fled religious persecution in these neighboring countries. However, the exclusion of Muslims from this list has sparked accusations of religious discrimination and a violation of India’s secular constitution.

In Assam, the CAA has been particularly controversial. While the act aims to protect religious minorities, many Assamese people fear that it will legalize the stay of Hindu migrants from Bangladesh, further exacerbating the demographic imbalance in the state. Assamese nationalist groups argue that the CAA undermines the NRC and dilutes the Assam Accord, which sought to protect the state from illegal immigration regardless of religious affiliation.

Despite the controversies, prioritizing the implementation of the NRC and CAA is crucial for several reasons:

Restoring Demographic Balance: The NRC, if implemented properly, can help restore Assam’s demographic balance by identifying illegal migrants and addressing the concerns of the indigenous population. It would prevent further demographic shifts and ensure that the state’s resources, including jobs, education, and land, are primarily available to legal citizens.

Assam’s rich cultural and linguistic heritage is at risk due to illegal migration. A properly executed NRC would help protect the state’s unique identity by ensuring that the Assamese people do not become a minority in their homeland. Additionally, the CAA, despite its controversies, could play a role in protecting persecuted minorities while maintaining the region’s delicate social fabric.

Security Concerns: Prioritizing the implementation of both the NRC and CAA can address security concerns by identifying non-citizens and reducing the risk of extremist elements using Assam as a base for their activities. A clearer identification of citizens and non-citizens would also facilitate more effective border management and reduce illegal crossings.

A well-executed NRC would reduce the politicization of illegal migration and provide a clearer framework for addressing the issue. Political parties would no longer be able to exploit the issue for electoral gains, leading to more stable governance in the state. Furthermore, by legalizing persecuted minorities through the CAA, the government could create a more stable and harmonious society.

Illegal migration in Assam is a complex issue with far-reaching consequences on the state’s demographic, economic, cultural, and political landscape. While the NRC and CAA are controversial, their proper and prioritized implementation can help address many of the challenges posed by illegal migration. For Assam’s indigenous population, the stakes are high, and any solution must balance the need for demographic protection, cultural preservation, and humanitarian considerations. By implementing these measures judiciously, the government can work toward ensuring long-term stability and peace in Assam.

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Jammu and Kashmir.

Sunak As UK PM: Mehbooba Attacks NDA Over Minorities

As Rishi Sunak is now set to become the first Indian-origin Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) president and former Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti on Tuesday took the opportunity to attack the central government.

The PDP chief said the UK has accepted an ethnic minority member as its PM but India is still shackled by divisive and discriminatory laws like the National Register of Citizens (NRC) and Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA).
Taking to Twitter, Mufti said, “Proud moment that UK will have its first Indian origin PM. While all of India rightly celebrates, it would serve us well to remember that while the UK has accepted an ethnic minority member as its PM, we are still shackled by divisive and discriminatory laws like NRC and CAA.”

Hitting out at Mufti, Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) IT cell head Amit Malviya said India need not learn about diversity and inclusivity from any other country.

“India, which has had three Muslim and one Sikh President, a Sikh PM for 10 years, minorities in top judicial positions and even the armed forces, need not learn about diversity and inclusivity from any other country. But Mehbooba must walk the talk and back a Hindu for J-K’s CM,” tweeted Malviya.

On Monday, Britain’s Conservative Party announced Rishi Sunak as their leader. Thereby, Rishi Sunak is now set to become the first Asian-origin person to lead the country.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi congratulated Rishi Sunak on Monday and said he is looking forward to working closely together on global issues.

“Warmest congratulations @RishiSunak! As you become UK PM, I look forward to working closely together on global issues and implementing Roadmap 2030. Special Diwali wishes to the ‘living bridge’ of UK Indians, as we transform our historic ties into a modern partnership,” PM Modi tweeted.

Sunak’s change in fate was triggered by the resignation of Liz Truss as PM after high-profile sackings and resignations in her Cabinet, following a heavily criticized mini-budget that left the UK pound tumbling.

Following Truss’ short stint as British prime minister, Rishi Sunak and former Prime Minister Boris Johnson were seen as frontrunners for the UK PM bid.

But Boris Johnson ruled himself out of the Conservative party leadership race despite claiming he had the required support. The former UK PM said he had come to the conclusion that “this would simply not be the right thing to do” as “you can’t govern effectively unless you have a united party in Parliament.”

Sunak is born in Southampton to parents of Indian descent who migrated to Britain from East Africa. (ANI)

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NE Delhi Violence: Pathan May Escape, Court Proceedings To Happen Through Video Conferencing

A Delhi Court hearing the Northeast Delhi riots of 2020 cases, recently directed to produce accused Shahrukh Pathan through video conferencing after Delhi Police said that he may escape from custody or may be attacked by rival groups.

Shahrukh Pathan had allegedly fled Delhi after registering an FIR against him at police station Jafrabad in February 2020.
Additional Sessions Judge Amitabh Rawat of Karkardooma Court directed to produce Shahrukh Pathan through video conferencing after considering the grounds mentioned in the application moved by the Sub Inspector of the third battalion of Delhi armed police.

The court has directed to send the order copy to the concerned Tihar Jail Superintendent for compliance. The court passed this order on September 8, 2022.

The application requesting to produce the accused Shahrukh Pathan through video conferencing stated that he may execute again his plan to escape from custody while out of jail for production in Court.

Police also apprehended that he may be attacked by the unknown anti-group. Since the accused has been kept in the high-risk category, a large number of police personnel have to be deployed for his security. Despite this, there is a possible threat to his security.

The application said that in view of the safety and security of the accused as well as the police staff, it is prayed that he may be ordered to produce through video conferencing.

This case is connected to an FIR no. 49/2020 registered at Jafrabad. The case pertains to alleged unlawful assembly within the jurisdiction of Police Station Jafrabad, and the accused being a member of unlawful assembly along with four other associates armed with bottles, stones and pistols obstructed police officials or public servants, who were posted there to maintain law and order, in the discharge of their public functions.

The police alleged that the accused caused injuries to police personnel and gunshot injury sustained to one Rohit Shukla.

Earlier, in a separate case, the Court had framed charges against Shahrukh Pathan, who had allegedly opened fire at police personnel in February 2020 during the protest and violence against the Citizenship Amendment Act.

Pathan is named as an accused in a separate case related to pointing a gun at head constable Deepak Dahiya. He was arrested on March 3, 2020, and is currently lodged in the Tihar Jail.

According to police, Pathan, after the incident in February, initially kept roaming in the national capital before slipping away to Punjab and Uttar Pradesh’s Shamli, from where he was arrested by the Crime Branch later.

In February 2020, clashes broke out in the northeast area of Delhi between the groups regarding the Citizenship Amendment Act, which led to the deaths of at least 53 people. (ANI)

Elect Leaders Like Yogi Adityanath

‘Why I Don’t Want Yogi To Become Chief Minister Again’

Mohammed Ahmed Ansari, a lawyer in Allahabad High Court and a social worker, spells out why it is dangerous to elect leaders like Yogi Adityanath

A couple of days back, Chief Minister Adityanath Yogi was addressing a public meeting in Bulandshahr, western UP where he made a reference to his political opponents. He said: ‘10 March ke baad inki saari garmi shaant kar denge’ (Will bring all their energy down after poll results). Does this kind of foul language suit the office of a chief minister? The video clips of this speech is in public domain and widely circulated.

There are other speeches where he refers the Muslim population of his state as “those who speak abbajaan (father in Urdu)” and slyly uses 80-versus-20 slogan in an indirect reference to the national percentage of Hindus and Muslims. How can a person who is openly divisive and communal in his conduct and speeches deserve to be the head of a state?

Article 21 of the Constitution gives everyone the protection of life and personal liberty. Now see what Yogi Ji is saying through public platforms: ‘Earlier government used to give funds for kabristaan, we are building shamshan ghats.’ This is as barefaced as our chief minister can get to polarise its people.

Ansari lists out inflammatory speeches made by Yogi Adityanath

The people of Uttar Pradesh take pride in its Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb (an inclusive ethos). In Allahabad, every year I lead a small team of volunteers to put up tents and eateries near the confluence of the Ganga and the Yamuna for the pilgrims who come for a holy dip at Kumbh. We celebrate each other’s festivals with equal zeal. Hardliners are not happy with this, they are always trying to create rift and tension.

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There are many examples where the current ruling dispensation has tried to target Muslims. Take, for example, the National Register of Citizens. In various public speeches, BJP leaders have said that Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Christians and Parsis need not worry about it, implying that only Muslims should. The message is all those who cannot find a place in the NRC would be considered refugees under the new citizenship law and get to stay in India, all except Muslims in the same position.

When protests erupted on more than 60 university campuses in India against NRC and Citizenship Amendment Act, BJP-ruled states cracked down on them with brutal violence, but none as harshly as in Uttar Pradesh. Should it come as a surprise that the maximum casualties in the protests against CAA-NRC were from Uttar Pradesh?

The Adityanath government sought to blame Muslims for the violence. It has gone to the extent of sending notices to more than 500 Muslim families, seeking to recover damages for loss of public property from them. Recent media reports have disclosed how the officials in UP administration played judge and jury to target innocent families belonging to Muslim community.

Yogi has often called the previous Samajwadi Party government led by Akhilesh Yadav as one of the mafia. He has also attacked Yadav for giving tickets to those with a criminal background. Please go through the list of the BJP candidates; over 100 of them have criminal cases against them. Yogi Ji himself had several criminal cases on him, including those of attempt to murder and instigating riots. He closed down all the cases after becoming the CM.

The election commission should take suo-motto cognizance of his hate speeches. If an elected chief minister is making inflammatory speeches what could you expect from others who are actively want to disturb the peace and harmony of India?

As Told to Rajat Rai

Anti-CAA Women Activists of Lucknow

‘Courage Of Narwal-Kalita Gives Anti-CAA Activists Hope’

Salman Ahmad, 30, an advocate at Lucknow Civil Court, says he was amazed at the spirit of Pinjra Tod activists on their release from jail. Khan sees similar resolve in anti-CAA women activists of Lucknow

I am so happy that finally Natasha Narwal, Devangana Kalita and Asif Iqbal Tanha have been released on bail. It was an uphill fight, but I am glad they have come out of jail for now. I am just mesmerised at the courage these people have shown, especially the women.

The moment I saw the news clip of Natasha Narwal laughing after just coming out of jail and not deterred one bit, I was like: Inki himmat me koi kami nahi aayi; chehre pe ab bhi hansi barkarar hai. Aisa lag raha hai ye to Sarkar ko chidha rahi hain (She looks spirited; her smile/laughter is intact and it seems as if she is cocking a snook at the government that they couldn’t break her spirit even in jail.

I have seen similar steely resolve in the women of Lucknow; the women who spearheaded the anti-CAA and anti-NRC movement at Ghantaghar. I had been following the news about CAA-NRC right from the beginning and have been involved with its Lucknow chapter, so to speak, right since its inception.

Lawyer community holds protests against Citizenship Act in Lucknow

I myself was a part of the CAA- NRC protests and have helped a lot of people in getting timely bail when they faced similar police harassment. In fact, the police filed two-three FIRs against me as well but I was undeterred. Even my whole family and the families of friends and colleagues registered their protest. We know these are momentous times and anything can be used against anyone who shows the courage to question the government.

Women don’t speak up in the beginning or fight unnecessarily, so if the women are out in the streets and unafraid to go to jail for what they consider right, just and truthful, the government should sit up and take notice. When women put things at stake, it means they are ready to give it their all.

ALSO READ: ‘FIRs, Arrests Can’t Break the Spirit of Dissent’

We can see through the divide and rule policy of the government, but I believe it’s not going to work. Because this time the people also know that they have to take a stand. During January-February last year, many of us took an accommodation near the protest site and did all that was possible in aiding other supporters and we wouldn’t even go home for many days at a stretch. Even at the cost of our own personal safety we have visited police stations after police stations to show our support in the release of common people. As an advocate it is my duty to see that the law is not misused.

CAA-NRC provisions have touched a raw nerve and people have realised that their very existence is at stake. It is the people of India who are holding it together with love, otherwise look at what hatred between communities and a breakdown in communication did to Myanmar. I wouldn’t say that there was no mistrust between communities before this government came in; it was there, but it was a side thing. But with this government it is the main agenda. Many people holding top position in important institutions have been known to have biased views regarding things.

Anti-CAA protest in Lucknow

I hope things get better soon and the government understands the concerns of the people and not just try to put those asking questions in jail. We need to talk to each other. The powers that are need to take people into consideration.

Local Issues Hold Key to Assembly Elections

‘We Will Choose Bengal’s Didi Over Muslim Owaisi’

Maulana Shahidul Qadri, 45, from Dhankheti, Metiaburj in Kolkata, says local issues hold key to assembly elections and therefore he will prefer Trinamool candidate than a divisive BJP or AIMIM

At a time when many people around the country have given in to the politics of division and polarity, people in Bengal are still standing united, strongly. We Bengalis form an opinion after a lot of deliberation and in-depth understanding and analysis of a matter, and thus one cannot divide us so easily.

As a Maulana and also as an Imam of the masjid at Dhankheti (Metiaburj), I tell people not to fall prey to the politics of hate; firqakaparasti wali baton me mat aaiye. We also tell people through editorials in various newspapers that we should not forget local issues while state elections are underway.

I wonder why BJP makes every election, right down to even the civic body elections, about national issues. Wasn’t our election system created and upgraded so that issues at every level could find adequate voice and be solved subsequently?

BJP might try bringing in the big guns for the elections, but Mamata Banerjee will once again become the CM. We have chosen to support Didi even over a Muslim candidate, AIMIM’s Asaduddin Owaisi. It is not about Hindu-Muslim leaders, but rather on who as a leader has an understanding of local issues.

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The BJP-TMC face-off means everyday there’s some new statement from either side, but the electorate is noticing everything. The pandemic has shown us how important it is to have robust local leadership and we will keep focussing on that.

Bengal was a more peaceful place earlier, but now you hear news of BJP-TMC or BJP-Left clashes. I condemn incidents like attacks on JP Nadda; violence shouldn’t have any place in a democracy. We are Bengalis and Indians too, apart from being Hindus and Muslims.

Sometimes I wonder if like Assam, madarsa education will be banned in West Bengal as well! How will we then understand the basics of the faith we practise? There are many other ways in which the Muslim identity and the country’s Constitution and the institutions are being chipped away by the BJP but we have faith in both Mamata Didi and Allah.

NRC-CAA, Shaheen Bagh, illegal Bangladeshi immigrant, purportedly for whom the bill was brought in… was a burning issue just an year ago, do you hear as much of it during Bengal elections? Why? We can see through everything. The Prime Minister is not the leader of a party alone and not only of a particular party or community. He must take the whole country together and walk.

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The first term of this government was all about sowing seeds of mistrust between communities that had been mostly living peacefully for so long. The second term was all about interpreting law in such a way that that hatred was normalised. Even though we respect the Ram Janmbhoomi verdict, it would have been nice if the bhoomi-poojan had been a calmer affair.

Triple talaq, Delhi riots, NRC and now the love jihad (which the Supreme Court has said doesn’t hold true because relationship between two consenting adults is their choice), I wonder when will all this stop and when will we begin focussing on issues that really matter for us as a country?

No leader is perfect, and Mamata Banerjee gets angered easily, but we feel ke unka dil saf hai aur hausla buland. She has our interests at heart. We hope in the coming years she will mature into a calmer leader and learn to strategize better, Bengal and the country can truly benefit from that.

Millions of Livelihoods at Stake Amid Covid-19

‘CAA, Riots, Love Jihad… Where Will The Hounding Stop?’

Farheen Zaidi, 22, a student of Fine Arts in Delhi, says with millions of livelihoods at stake amid Covid-19, our leaders should redefine their priorities, and not constantly target one community

Where do I even begin? I don’t understand what is going on in our country for the past few years. First, the stalemate over Citizenship Amendment Act- and NRC, then the communal violence in Northeast Delhi and now a law against so called ‘love jihad’, which I do not even think, exists…

Where will this concerted and coordinated effort to target Muslims stop? Till a few years ago, the Hindu-Muslim rivalry was a one-off thing and people used to take extreme steps in the heat of the moment. But now it’s like this rivalry recurring periodically. There’s a constant undercurrent of hatred running in India these days.

Even the November 11 High Court order that UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath Ji had cited to justify ‘love jihad’ law earlier, has now been overturned. The HC now says that it was ‘bad law’ and two consenting adults have the freedom to choose the way they want to conduct their lives. Love is a matter of the heart, how can it be governed by law?

I wonder if the people who talk about ‘love jihad’ even understand the meaning of love. It takes so much for people to be able to find another person who understands them well and how can they be judged by people who don’t even know them? If conversion has been done forcibly, be they of any religion, then the government can step in, but one can’t assume that people will behave a certain way and take pre-emptive measures.

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Shouldn’t the government be worrying about and working upon handling the pandemic, or soon there will be no people left to fall in love with each other or marry. So many people have lost their jobs and livelihood because of the pandemic, and I feel the government should really give its priorities a rethink.

Farheen believes addressing loss of livelihoods amid Covid-19 must be a priority for leaders

This is not the time for people to feel hatred for each other. We all need each other to see ourselves through the coronavirus crisis. Our faiths should help us become better people and help each other and we need to fight coronavirus together. I sometimes feel sad about how we have changed as a country. When I was in school a few years ago, we had many friends from other faiths, but now just a few years later when I am still in college, our social circle has shrunk considerably. There is this whole ‘Hindu-Muslim’ talk going on always.

Sometimes I feel if the matter of ‘love jihad’ is so serious why doesn’t Modiji talk about it in his ‘Man Ki Baat’? He could give us examples when cases of people marrying someone just for the sake of converting them has come to light and talk about those cases from all angles. That could be the beginning of a serious dialogue on the topic, but in my life I have personally seen no such incident and feel it is a just a bogeyman of an issue.

ALSO READ: ‘Love And Jihad Don’t Go Hand In Hand’

And if the law is brought in, the poor of the poorest will suffer; the rich will take to legal recourse. I hope better sense prevails and more thought is given to social harmony. When people are secure in their own faiths and identities they don’t even try to convert people to their ideas, forget changing their religion.

Whatever decision Yogi Ji and his counterpart in Bihar, Nitish Kumar Ji take in this matter will have far reaching implications for the rest of the country. I am waiting to see what Nitish Ji has to say in this matter as the Chief Minister of a state where there is a large Muslim population.

Afghan Sikh

‘We Were Told To Embrace Islam, Even Spat Upon’

Avtar Singh, 32, an Afghan Sikh, narrates his persecution in Afghanistan and why he left Ghazni, where his family lived for five generations. Singh sees the Citizenship Law as a blessing for people like him

My forefathers settled in Afghanistan five generations ago. We lived in Ghazni, about 170 kilometres from Kabul, the Afghan Capital. We owned multiple garment shops and nearly 40 acres of land. Why we had to leave everything behind and took refuge in Delhi is a tragic story, one of religious persecution and plight of minorities in Afghanistan.

Ever since I was born, I remember being discriminated against in Afghanistan. It started with being made fun of for our attires, our pagris. They would call us kafir, be-iman and by other derogatory terms. Every time we went out we would be taunted with: “Aaj pagri me aloo rakha hai ya pyaz?” (What have you hidden in your turban today – potatoes or onions?).They would tell us to get rid of our hair and look like them. We were constantly asked to convert to Islam.

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Things took a more sinister turn with people spitting at us in public for following Sikhism, at times throwing stones at us randomly. I couldn’t send my children out, or my younger brother to school. Afghanistan was the only home we had known and we were heartbroken by the way things were happening. My mother who had seen better times before 1979 (before the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan) lamented at what we had come to.

My father, Shaheed Harbans Singh Khalsa, a Member of Parliament in Afghanistan, was killed in an accident in 2003. We later got to know it was all pre-planned. Mysterious papers would be thrown at our house with threats to life and ransom money. Over the years, I paid nearly ₹80-90 lakh to keep my family safe.

After a decade of living in uncertainty, constant suffering and blackmailing, we reached the breaking point and decided to flee to India. We were helped by a few people to buy tickets amounting to ₹90, 000 for seven people for the Kabul-Delhi flight.

Singh now works as a Granthi at a Gurdwara in New Delhi

That was in 2014. I lived a lifetime on that flight. I had only ₹20,000 to start a new life in India and a family of seven to feed. However, we were happy that at least we came out of Afghanistan alive.

We live on meagre resources in India. I work as a Granthi at a Gurdwara in Delhi. My brother who is in his teens also has to work to support the family. I am greatly surprised how well-behaved Indian Muslims are. They always address us as Bhaijaan and Sardar Ji and make us feel welcome in every aspect of life.

ALSO READ: ‘CAA Will Help Sikh Refugees’

We have to extend our visas every two to three years. I have heard of the new Citizenship Law that would give refugees like us permanent citizenship of India, and we are glad about the same. Even though I understand the sentiments of several people who have been protesting against CAA, I feel they should know why citizenship in India is so important, no less than a blessing for people like us. We can finally call India our home.

After being on the receiving end of persecution, I have become a better person, not bitter and feel no one should be persecuted on the basis of religion. Our Guru Granth Sahib teaches us: Koi Bole Ram Ram, Koi Khudaye, Koi Sewe Gosaiya, Koi Alahe (God is one, people know it by different names).

Tragic Times For Afghan Sikhs

Last Sunday’s arrival in New Delhi of 11 Sikhs from Afghanistan marks the beginning of the end of a centuries-old historic process of Hindus and Sikhs moving to and from this India’s extended neighbourhood.

It may be a matter of time – perhaps a few months – before all of them, estimated at between 600 and 1,000, a microscopic minority in an overwhelmingly Islamic nation, may leave Afghanistan for good and seek new lives in India that one of them on arrival gratefully called “our motherland.”

This small but epochal event sadly reduces to a mere debate what is steeped in history. Can an Afghan be a Hindu or a Sikh? History says yes, asserts Inderjeet Singh in his book Afghan Hindus and Sikhs: History of A Thousand Years published in April last year.

There is no reliable information on when Hinduism began in Afghanistan that once had Hindu rulers, and when Buddhism thrived. But historians suggest that the territory south of the Hindu Kush was culturally connected with the Indus Valley Civilization (5500–2000 BC) in ancient times.

As for the Sikh, records show that its founder Guru Nanak Dev had visited Kabul in the early 16th century and laid the faith’s foundation.

ALSO READ: ‘CAA Will Help Sikh Refugees From Afghanistan’

Islam arrived in Afghanistan only in the seventh century. “The Hindu Shahi rulers of Kabulistan were replaced only by the end of the 10th century by the Ghaznavides, who maintained Hindu forces,” Inderjeet Singh asserts in his book.

Contemporary records show that Maharaja Ranjit Singh also ruled parts of Afghanistan. About 250,000 Hindus and Sikhs had thriving trade and lived in relative peace and harmony and travelled to and from British India. Father of former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh used to trade with Afghanistan, carrying consignments of asafoetida (heeng).

11 Sikhs arrived in New Delhi from Afghanistan on Sunday, July 26, 2020.

Recorded or otherwise, this account must make a grim present-day note of the end of the presence of religious minorities – at least the Hindus and the Sikhs – in Afghanistan. A small minority in an overwhelmingly Islamic nation, they survived the violent civil war conditions that have prevailed since last King Zahir Shah was deposed in 1973. Last 47 years have seen a decade of communist rule backed by the erstwhile Soviet Union, a “jihad” supported by the Western nations, faction-ridden and violent rule by the Mujahideen five years of Taliban and since the US-led “global war against terrorism” that followed 9/11, eighteen years of the present government backed by the United States.

The US is keen to quit its longest war, whether or not President Trump gets re-elected. Its iffy pact with the Taliban is not working and the way is opened for the Taliban, with their sordid record of suppressing women and minorities, backed by Pakistan that has its own sordid record, returning to power. That makes the status of Afghan religious minorities more uncertain than ever. That makes India’s move, with American blessings, timely.

The Afghan minorities have already felt the heat. Twenty-five Sikhs were killed at a Gurdwara in Paktia province in March this year. They were targeted by an Afghan group owing allegiance to the Islamic State (IS). Indeed, the IS’ spread has been the reason for the US, Russia, Iran and China coming on the same page, leaving Pakistan as a key factor and India, an ‘outsider’, yet again. History is repeating itself.

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The 11 Afghan Sikhs have been granted short-term Indian visas. They include Nidan Singh Sachdeva, who was abducted from Paktia’s gurudwara in June. The rest are families of those who were killed in the Kabul Gurudwara terror attack earlier this year. Twenty-five Afghan Sikhs and one Indian Sikh were killed on the March 25 terror attack in Kabul by a heavily armed ISIS-Khorasan (ISIS-K) suicide bomber. The group includes Salmeet Kaur who was reportedly kidnapped in Kabul but later came back.

An emotional reunion upon arrival of Sikh delegation from Afghanistan on July 26

This Sikh group hopes that India would give them long-term visas and eventually grant citizenship under the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) passed last year. It gives citizenship to Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi, and Christian religious minorities from three countries –Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan with a cut-off date of 31st December 2014.

While that may happen, for the Afghan Sikhs and Hindus, the decision to come to India poses an agonizing dilemma. In Afghanistan, they have livelihoods — shops and businesses passed down through generations — but spend their days dreading the next attack. Making a new start in India would most likely mean living in poverty, they said, particularly during an economic slump exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic.

Lala Sher Singh, 63, who was attacked in March, told The New York Times that the community had shrunk so much that his thoughts were occupied “day and night” by a fear that “the next assault might not leave enough people who can perform the final rituals for the dead.”

“I may get killed here because of these threats to Hindus and Sikhs, but in India I will die from poverty. I have spent my whole life in Afghanistan. In this neighbourhood close to the temple, if I run out of money and stand in front of a shop and ask for two eggs and some bread, they will give it to me for free. But who will help me in India?”

The New York Times reported that there was no official reaction from the Afghan government to India’s offer. “A senior Afghan official, who requested anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss the matter with the news media, said that ‘violence affected all Afghans’,” and that an offer of safety only to Hindus and Sikhs put religious diversity in Afghanistan in doubt.

The Afghan official, ostensibly making no excuse about the poor security available to the religious minorities in his country, attributed the Indian government’s move to being “aimed at a domestic audience in India, where Prime Minister Narendra Modi has tried to move the country away from its secular, multicultural foundations and give it a more overtly Hindu identity, while projecting itself as a champion of persecuted Hindu minorities elsewhere.” The beleaguered Afghan authorities fighting for their own survival amidst civil war of their own, would likely stay silent and not mind the minorities leaving.

Truth be told, the Tibetan refugees took years to settle in India and thousands of Hindus from Pakistan have yet to get their citizenship documents, leave alone facilities and opportunities to settle, earn livelihood and send their children to school. By contrast, those who come in illegally, do manage to get their ration cards, citizenship certificates and even voter’s cards from the grey market on payment. Despite the sentiments of those who support this “ghar wapasi”, this is the harsh reality.

Even if necessary, this is a thankless, unending task. “Mother India” must pay a price for embracing back its sons and daughters troubled in their chosen homes.

‘Bleeding From Gunshot Wound, I Was Taken To Hospital On A Bike’

Bhavya Gautam, a 27-year-old lawyer, in Brahmpuri, northeast Delhi was hit by a bullet when he along with local youth tried to stop a mob from attacking a local temple

I lost my mother at a young age and was raised by my maternal uncle, Shankar Lal Gautam. My uncle tells me that our family shifted from Haryana to Brahmpuri in 1962. I was born here and have always considered Brahmpuri as home. Even the bullet that I received in my stomach on February 25 during communal riots is not going to change that.

Till a few weeks ago everything in Brahmpuri was normal. Peaceful life, friendly neighbours and life as usual. Then we heard about protesters occupying the area near Jaffrabad Metro station to create a Shaheen Bagh-style demonstration (on February 23). Brahmpuri is less than a kilometre from the protest site and as traffic issues cropped up due to the protest, the ripples reached our area too.

Things flared up on February 24 around 10 am and by the night, things had taken a scary turn. What started as a fight between pro- and anti CAA protesters soon took a communal colour. Our mohalla also became tense after news of a fight near Maujpur Metro station reached us. We were already taking preventive measures like guarding the entry points to our colony and keeping an eye on outsiders since morning. However, a mob still managed to reach a temple near my house and started throwing stones at it.

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As local gathered to counter the mob, they took out firearms and shot at us multiple time to scare us away. Several of those trying to protect the temple go injured. I was also hit in my stomach. Thankfully, unlike as reported by other riot-hit areas, police reached our colony within 10-15 minutes of our making a distress call.

My friends were worried at my condition and one of them rushed me to Jag Pravesh Hospital (Shashtri Park, East Delhi) on a bike. I was bleeding during the journey but held on. Thankfully, we didn’t meet any mob or obstructions on the way. After initial treatment, I was referred to Guru Teg Bahadur Hospital at Dilshad Garden.


Shankar Lal Gautam (left) is thankful that his nephew Bhavya Gautam is safe

The hospital was already reeling under a rush of injured. Each of the bed was shared by two, even three victims for treatment. I was writhing in pain but there was not enough space to even turn on the bed. I kept on pleading with doctors to either discharge me or give me a proper bed as I had a bullet injury. Irked they discharged me but tagged my status as an “absconder”. Since I am an advocate myself I know how serious this charge can be and I have put in an RTI application to know why this happened.

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It has been nine days and I am just about beginning to put back the pieces of my life together. Let’s hope my ordeal gets over soon and life gets back to normal for everyone.

(At the time of this copy being uploaded, Bhavya’s uncle Shankar Lal Gautam who has access to the CCTVs in the area has been watching the footage minutely to observe if they can identify anyone from the attackers. The residents are weary and hurt but not scared. Gautam feels it will take a long time before life gets back to normal again in the area but he has faith in God.)