Weekly Update: Healthcare & Growth Are Two Things Modi Must Focus On

The big bang statement that India’s budget could have made wasn’t made. I am talking about healthcare. India spends under 1.8% of its GDP on healthcare, an amount that is far lower than what it should be ideally. The inadequacy of India’s healthcare infrastructure could not have been demonstrated better than it was during the waves of the Coronavirus pandemic that swept across the country. Millions of people suffered as hospital beds and oxygen tanks were in short supply. Much of the havoc that got created and was reported about in the media centred around India’s larger cities but the fact is that the situation was far worse in rural and semi-urban India.

The latest budget could have addressed the healthcare crisis with more focus. For example, moves to educate, train and deploy more medical and paramedical service providers, particularly in rural India. As well as measures to ensure that there is more investment in expanding the number of beds that are available for patients. According to World Bank data, for every 1000 people there is just 0.5 hospital bed available in India and that compares rather badly to even other developing countries. 

Some analysts have commended the budget for its growth-orientation. Primarily this centres on the indication of the government’s willingness to trade off higher inflation rates (at least in the short term) with higher investments. A policy that accommodates higher inflation rates for future growth potential can be non-populist and in a year that will be marked by several important state elections that can be a risk for a regime (the Bharatiya Janata Party-led ruling alliance) that has an avowed objective to rule in every state. But the government appears to have taken that risk. Now, it is to be seen whether investment and, therefore, growth is spurred.

Economic growth has become an area of serious concern in India. A statistical analysis shows that between 2011 and 2020, India’s growth slowed down while inflation soared. Prime Minister Narendra Modi had promised that by 2025, India’s GDP would reach $5 trillion. That is most unlikely to happen. Pre-Covid estimates showed that it could be far lower, say, at $2.5-2.6 trillion.

Independent pre-Covid estimates for 2025 had touched $2.6 trillion at best. The pandemic has shaved off another $200-300bn. Post-Covid, it could be lower by another $200-300 billion.

Covid, however, has not been the only dampener for the Indian economy. Hasty policy decisions such as the rush to roll out the GST tax regime and sudden decision to demonetise the rupee hit the economy hard. India’s GDP growth was at 7-8% when the ruling regime came to power in 2014. By the fourth quarter of 2019-20, it was down to 3.1%. 

The situation is far worse on the employment side. Given the Indian population’s relatively young demographics, India needs 20 million jobs to be created annually. Under the ruling regime, the number has been much lower. In 2017-18, according to official estimates, unemployment was at a nearly 50-year low: 6.1%. Since then, a Centre for Monitoring the Indian Economy (CMIE) estimate suggests that it might have doubled. Also, according to Pew Research, an estimated 25 million people have lost their jobs since early 2021 and nearly 80 million people might have gone back into poverty. 

India likes to compare itself with China, where the economy grew exponentially primarily because of a huge thrust on manufacturing and marketing. When the Modi government came to power, it unveiled the ‘Make in India’ policy to emulate the Chinese experience. By simplifying procedures and introducing manufacturing hubs where tax and other incentives were to boost manufacturing, the regime hoped that manufacturing would comprise 25% of the GDP. But nearly seven years later, manufacturing’s share remains at a paltry 15%. And the number of people employed in the manufacturing sector is down by half.

Consequently, exports have stagnated at $300 billion for the past 10 years with India losing market share to other developing countries, including tiny Bangladesh whose export growth, driven by the garments industry, has been significantly impressive.

Not all is bad, though. In basic infrastructure there have been strides. Under the Modi regime, India has been building 36 km of highways and roads every day. Under the previous government, it was barely 8-10 km. Installed capacity of non-conventional energy, mainly solar and wind, has doubled in the past five years and India will likely achieve the 2023 target of175 gigawatts.

More Indians have joined the formal sector for employment, although still too many (half of the nation’s workforce) are employed in agriculture, where productivity is low and where very little growth has taken place over the past 10 years.

There are many complex problems that policy makers attempting to boost India’s economy face. But if they were to focus on two of the most important ones they ought to be these: First, healthcare because India spends far too little on that sector. And second, boosting growth by encouraging investments. India’s latest budget attempts to do the latter. But will that be enough?

On a recent Sunday morning, the economist Kaushik Basu, a professor at Cornell University, tweeted tellingly:

“2016-17: 8.2%

2017-18: 7.2%

2018-19: 6.1%

2019-20: 4.2%

2020-21: -7.3%

These are India’s growth rates. 5 years, with each year’s growth less than previous has never happened after 1947. Sad. Let us not live in data denial, reducing everything to politics.”

Union Budget 2021-22

Watch – ‘Health, Defence Important; What About Inflation?’

Common people have given a mixed response to Union Budget 2021-22. While some feel that there is little effort to hold back rising prices in Budget, there are others who feel the financial document has kept its focus on two biggest challenges before the country: outside threat on border and inside dangers of pandemic.

Although relief to senior citizens is appreciated, rise in petrol price has been a big concern as it will only lead to overall increase in commodity prices.

Watch the full video here

Union Budget 2021

Watch – ‘Focus On Health & Infra In Budget Laudable’

LokMarg speaks to various financial experts to know what Union Budget 2021 has in store for Indian economy and the common people. While most of them agree that commendable provisions have been made in the financial document with regards to Healthcare, Sanitation and Infrastructure, more relief could have been allotted to businesses who had been affected the most by sustained lockdown amid Covid-19.

Overall, these experts feel the picture will be clearer once the implementation of these budgetary provisions come into effect. But for now, the Centre has shown good intention to pull the economy out of pandemic impact.

Watch the full video here

When Economics Nibbles At Politics

Two of India’s most credible voices spoke as if in unison on November 29 and 30 at events organized by major media houses. Their well-meant, well-timed warnings are that the economy is in bad shape, something the government of the day is doggedly denying.

The oft-repeated phrase, “it’s the economy, stupid!” comes to mind, but it will not suffice. Bad economic management has combined with widespread perceptions of fear in political and social arenas.

The TINA (there is no alternative) factor that had emerged only six months ago after Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the alliance he leads won a bigger mandate than 2014 is sliding.  

Both, former premier Manmohan Singh and veteran industrialist Rahul Bajaj linked economic governance to a vitiated social climate. Fear, they said, was generated, not by those in power alone, but also by those who draw inspiration and support from them and act with impunity.

Singh’s warning was confirmed the very next day, doubly more than he had expressed last year. India’s gross domestic product (GDP) has fallen to 4.5 percent, the lowest in over six years, when Singh and his government, accused of policy paralysis, were in office. The GDP growth then was 8.5 percent. It had crossed ten at one time during his tenure.   

When Singh had last year darkly predicted a two percent GDP fall, then Finance Minister, late Arun Jaitley, had hinted at Singh’s going senile. Lawmakers and leaders of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had been more direct in using harsh words.

Singh has been spared abuses this time – not that anybody in the government is taking his words kindly. The counter-response is only more resolute since the government apparently sees Singh straying into political arena by alleging that a “toxic combination of deep distrust, pervasive fear” is “stifling economic activity and hence economic growth”.  

More ire has been reserved for Bajaj, who has pierced through the bubble of India Inc.’s silence. To be fair, he was in the past critical of Singh’s economic management as well. And Singh, braving doubting Thomas all around in those early years, had been dismissive of that criticism. India’s entrepreneurial class is grateful to Singh, the reforms’ pioneer, whether or not they would admit it.

With formidable ministers Amit Shah (who is also the BJP chief), Nirmala Sitharaman and Piyush Goyal on stage, Bajaj spoke of corporates afraid to criticize government, of an environment of impunity for phenomena like lynching and of terror-accused Pragya Thakur’s political journey to Parliament with the BJP’s full backing and support.

The ministers, particularly Shah, denied or defended it all. He compared his government’s record with that of the Singh Government, of all things, on cases of lynching of Muslims and Dalits by vigilantes belonging to his party or its affiliates. Official figures prove his claim hollow. Shah has got to deny this since RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat who guides his party has decried the very term ‘lynching’ as something alien to Indian culture.  

While building its industrial base, the Bajaj family has a history of speaking up against the government of the day, especially that of the Congress. Rahul B. dared fellow-captains of trade and industry at the conclave to speak up, but none responded. Only leading woman entrepreneur Kiran Shaw Majumdar has taken the cue from Bajaj.

Come to think of it, India Inc. hails most Budgets and praises most finance ministers, as long as its purpose is swerved. It has always moved cautiously, sensing the political climate before speaking out on economic issues. In recent memory, the year 2013 was one such time when the Singh Government was besieged with political protests.

Behind this new churning, unmistakably, there is the Maharashtra factor. Sharad Pawar has sewn together government of an unlikely alliance of known ideological adversaries united to keep the BJP out of the richest state. His emergence, like Bajaj (incidentally, both have their respective bases in Pune) has confounded many calculations and put some life into a beleaguered Opposition.

New Maharashtra Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray has taken some decisions responding to public concerns like environmentalists’ pleas against felling trees in Mumbai’s wooded area and has announced withdrawal of cases against the Maoists imprisoned under stringent anti-terror laws. The controversial Indo-Japanese Bullet train project, half-way through, is slated to slow down, if not ended. The latter two issues are bound to cause friction with New Delhi.

But he has compulsions. By reinforcing continued adherence to Hindutva that he shares with the BJP, Thackeray has had to keep future political options open. He cannot afford to shed his ideological moorings strengthened along with the BJP over the last three decades. Friction with secular allies is in store.             

Significantly, the BJP slide in recent elections is not because of, but despite, a weak Opposition. It remains divided and has nothing to offer to the people. The recent months have witnessed the rise of regional forces, Pawar being the best and the most promising of the lot. 

The Congress remains in deep slumber, as if running on autopilot. It merely reacts to events, unsure at times about its stand, only to be bashed back by the BJP and its voluble social media supporters. The Gandhis are seen as doing a holding operation, ineffective in office and indecisive about their own role, even as the party gets reduced to third or fourth position.

There are other fears surrounding enforcement of law to detect ‘outsiders’ or ‘infiltrators’. Everyone but the die-hard BJP supporters (read Shah supporters) think this would open the Pandora’s Box. Potentially, just about anyone among the millions who migrate for work or due to a natural calamity can come under suspicion for lack of documents that prove his/her domicile status.

The Modi Government faces long-term decline in economic growth. The latest GDP numbers merely certify what has been experienced on the ground for a long time now. What is striking about the slowdown this time is that it hits the most vulnerable sections of the population. Agricultural distress combined with the disastrous demonetization experiment, has hurt those that serve as the real economic engine.

How far the Singh-Bajaj-Majumdar observations reflect and impact the public mood remains uncertain. It would be premature, if not naïve, to expect anything radical. It is a long grind.

Truth be told, Modi remains popular among large sections and his government/party wield greater money and muscle power than all opponents combined.    

But message is clear: National pride and religion certainly have their own place. But people want jobs and basic necessities first, over everything else. To revive the economy, Modi will have to review the social and political ethos and philosophy. Nothing less will help him and the country.

The writer can be reached at mahendraved07@gmail.com