Highlighting the country’s growth stride, Union Home Minister Amit Shah on Saturday said that India, which was ranked 11th on the list of the world largest economies in 2014, has today overtaken the UK to occupy the 5th position.
Addressing a public rally here, Shah said, “This Amrit Kaal is the time to set goals for the people of the country. I want to tell all the youth of the country that you must decide a goal of your life for the country and definitely take a resolution.” “In 2014, our country stood at 11th position in world economy list. Today we have overtaken the UK to hold the 5th position. We have conveyed it to the world that in 75 years, we have moved ahead of you and made our independence meaningful,” added the Home Minister.
Pertinent to mention, India has overtaken Britain to become the world’s fifth largest economy and as per International Monetary Fund (IMF) projections, only USA, China, Japan, and Germany are now ahead of India in terms of the volume of the national economy.
The lead was attained during the last three months of 2021 and extended in the first quarter of 2022. India has jumped six positions over the last decade. Only a decade ago, it was in the eleventh position while the UK occupied the fifth rank. It has also extended its share in the global GDP by nearly one percentage point since 2014 when it was the 10th largest economy in the world. India’s share in the global GDP is now 3.5 pc as against 2.6 pc in 2014.
Shah is on a two-day visit to Bihar. Earlier today, he inaugurated five Border Out Posts of Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) in Kishanganj.
Lauding the role of the SSB in the battle against Naxalism, the Union Home Minister said owing to their “tough fight”, Naxalism has been finished in Bihar and Jharkhand regions.
“SSB jawans have fought a tough fight against Naxalism rampant in the northeast. As a result, Naxalism is on the brink of ending in Bihar and Jharkhand regions, we can even say it is finished here,” Shah said while speaking on the occasion.
Acknowledging their duty, the Home Minister said that the SSB has the toughest duty to perform because of the open border with Nepal and Bhutan.
“Sitting in Delhi, one thinks you have the easiest duty as we’ve friendly relations with both nations (Nepal and Bhutan). But when one comes to the border, we realise that you have the toughest duty as it’s an open border,” he said.
“The responsibility increases if it’s an open border. However friendly may the relations be, even if the neighbouring nations have no ill intentions, there are a few elements in society who use open borders for unauthorised earning – be it smuggling, animal smuggling or infiltration,” the Minister added.
Earlier today, Shah offered prayers at Budhi Kali Mata Temple at Subhashpally Chowk of Kishanganj.
Meanwhile, speaking on Nitish Kumar, Shah on Friday addressed the ‘Jan Bhavna Mahasabha’ rally and said that the people of the state will “wipe out the Lalu-Nitish duo” in the 2024 general elections and the party will come to power in the state in 2025.
Addressing the ‘Jana Bhavna Mahasabha’ in Bihar’s Purnea, Shah said, “In 2014, you (Bihar CM Nitish Kumar) only had 2 LS seats, ‘naa ghar ke rahe the, naa ghaat ke’. Let the 2024 LS elections come, the Bihar public will wipe out the Lalu-Nitish duo. We’re, with a full majority, going to come to power here in 2025 polls”.
Shah further said that Nitish Kumar does not favour any political ideology, and can join hands with any party to stay in power.
“Nitish Kumar is not in favour of any political ideology. Nitish ji can leave socialism and go with Lalu ji also, can do casteist politics. Nitish ji can leave socialism and sit with the Left, Congress. He may also leave RJD and join BJP. Nitish has only one policy – my chair should remain intact,” he said. The Home Minister said that danger of “‘Jungle-raj’ is looming over Bihar”. (ANI)
It took months of planning and coordination with multiple states and agencies to carry out the well-coordinated, wide-scale operation against the Popular Front of India (PFI), top government sources said on Thursday.
To keep the operation undercover as per the directives from the top, the security officials held meetings or talks with their counterparts very discreetly.
Such was the secrecy that National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval held meetings with Kerala Police at a time when Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Kochi earlier this month for the commissioning of the aircraft carrier INS Vikrant.
With directions from Union Home Minister Amit Shah, the security team executed the operation with the NSA taking the charge. After Kerala, the NSA moved to Mumbai where he stayed at the Governor’s House in the city to hold meetings with security officials there.
The sources said that utmost care was taken to ensure that secrecy was maintained like it was done in the time when article 370 which granted special status to Jammu and Kashmir was abrogated.
Sources said the planning to act against the PFI, which was allegedly involved in various anti-national activities, was on for the last three to four months and it was developed in a way that the action across the 11 states was coordinated and executed round the same time to prevent PFI cadres to get alarmed and flee.
On the D-Day, midnight operations were launched by investigation agencies and police forces in 11 states where so far over 105 PFI cadres have been arrested. Sources said more operations would be required to nab more PFI activists in view of the inputs coming from the arrested activists. (ANI)
Union Home Minister Amit Shah on Tuesday reviewed the implementation of the Bru agreement with Tripura Chief Minister Manik Saha in the national capital.
Union Home Secretary Ajay Bhalla along with senior officers of central and state government also took part in the meeting. Significant achievement has been made in the resettlement of Bru people displaced from Mizoram in Tripura since the signing of the agreement in January 2020.
The Agreement provides a comprehensive package for each family being rehabilitated. The number of rehabilitated families in Tripura is 6,959 with total population of 37,136.
So far 3,696 families have been resettled and the rest are in the process of resettlement. Construction of houses have been completed for 2,407 families so far.
Various certificates like Permanent Resident of Tripura Certificate (PRTC), Schedule Tribe Certificates, Aadhaar card inclusion of names in the electoral rolls are being issued for the resettled Bru families.
During his visit to the national capital, Manik Saha also met Union Health Minister Mansukh Mandaviya.
Saha said in a tweet that a detailed discussion was held on a wide range of issues pertaining to the improvisation of existing and setting up of new health infrastructure in the state. (ANI)
In another step to maintain peace as well as law and order, a tripartite peace agreement is expected to be signed with tribal militant groups in Assam in the presence of Union Home Minister Amit Shah here in the national capital later on Thursday.
Top government sources told ANI that the agreement will be signed after 5 pm this evening at the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA). The peace agreement is expected to be signed by the Central government, Assam government, and five rebel outfits of Assam—All Adivasi National Liberation Army, Adivasi Cobra Militants of Assam, Birsa Commando Force, Santhal Tiger Force, and Adivasi People’s Army.
Officials said the tripartite agreement is expected to be signed with these five tribal outfit groups, which are currently under a ceasefire deal with the government.
These Assam tribal outfit groups have been in a ceasefire after announcing the suspension of operation years ago and have been holding peace talks thereafter.
However, over a hundred cadres of these groups are now temporarily living in designated camps under the protection of the Assam police.
Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, along with senior officials in the Assam government, will be present during the signing of the agreement.
Union Home Secretary Ajay Kumar Bhalla and other senior officials concerned will also be present during the signing of the agreement, which aims to bring peace to Assam and the Northeast.
Meanwhile, the Assam CM will meet the members of the five militant outfits at Assam House this afternoon before heading to the Ministry of Home Affairs for signing the historical agreement.
Earlier, the Assam CM had held a meeting with rebel Adivasi groups regarding the final settlement, which is currently under a ceasefire.
Union Home Minister Shah in January 2020 also presided over the signing of a historic agreement between the Government of India, the Government of Assam, and Bodo representatives in New Delhi to end the over 50-year-old Bodo crisis that has cost the region over 4,000 lives.
After the Tripartite Peace agreement, a total of 1,615 cadres of three National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) factions laid down their arms on January 30, 2020.
Over 4,800 weapons, including AK 47 rifles, light machine guns, and stun guns, were laid down by the NDFB members on the occasion. (ANI)
Union Home Minister Amit Shah on Saturday, took a swipe at Rahul Gandhi, saying that the Congress leader is leading a campaign to unite the nation- the Bharat Jodo Yatra “wearing a foreign t-shirt”.
The BJP on Friday attacked the Congress on social media, claiming that Rahul Gandhi, who has been raising the issue of inflation during the ‘Bharat Jodo Yatra’, was himself wearing a T-shirt worth Rs 41,257 and that too of a foreign brand when Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been leading the mission of ‘make-in India’. Reminding Gandhi of his speech in the Parliament where he said that “India is not a nation”, Shah said that lakhs of people have sacrificed their lives for this country, and asked the Congress leader to “study India’s history”.
“Rahul Gandhi has set out with Bharat Jodo Yatra wearing foreign t-shirt. I am reminding a speech by Rahul Gandhi and Congressmen in his Parliament. Rahul Baba had said that India is not a nation. Rahul Gandhi, in which book have you read this? This is the nation for which lakhs and lakhs of people have sacrificed their lives. Rahul Gandhi needs to study India’s history,” Shah said while addressing the Booth President Sankalp Mahasammelan in Jodhpur.
The Home Minister further hit out at Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot over the “highest prices” of fuel in the state and said that his government did not reduce the taxes on petrol and diesel despite the Centre slashing the tax rates on them.
“The prime Minister reduced the tax on petrol recently, all the BJP-ruled states reduced it too, but Ashok Gehlot did not do it. The most expensive petrol and diesel in the country is sold in Rajasthan today. The most expensive electricity is available in Rajasthan. Who is responsible?” he said.
Shah urged the people to “uproot the Gehlot government” and said that the BJP government will reduce the taxes as well as the price of electricity.
“Congress government cannot do development work. Cannot build roads, cannot provide electricity, cannot provide employment. The Gehlot government can only do the vote-bank and appeasement politics,” he added.
Shah also targeted the law and order situation in the state and recalled the brutal murder of tailor Kanhaiya Lal who was hacked to death in Udaipur earlier this year.
“Tailor Kanhaiya Lal was brutally killed, would you bear it? Would you tolerate the Karauli violence? Would you tolerate the demolishing of the 300-year-old temple in Alwar?” he said.
“The Congress had done the pre-planned riots of, Jodhpur, Chittoor, Nohar, Malpura and Jaipur. I want to tell Ashok Gehlot that if you can’t handle, then step down, people of Rajasthan are ready to bring the BJP. The cases against women have increased by 56 per cent. A woman teacher was set ablaze alive in Jaipur. Gau Mata is also not safe here. PM Modi approved 23 medical colleges in Rajasthan,” the Home Minister added launching a scathing attack on Gehlot.
Shah urged the people to vote the BJP to power in the 2023 Assembly elections which would pave the way to the party’s victory on all the seats in the state in the 2024 general elections in the state.
“We have to win all the seats in Rajasthan in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. 2023 elections come before the 2024 polls. If the government is not formed in 2023, then winning all the seats won’t happen. If you have to make us win all the seats in 2024, then you have to form the BJP government in 2023 with two-thirds majority,” said Shah.
Earlier today, Amit Shah laid the foundation stone for border tourism development work at Tanot temple complex adjacent to India-Pakistan international border, which lies around 120 km from Jaisalmer in Rajasthan.
The Home Minister laid the foundation stone of the project as part of his two-day visit to Rajasthan. He reached Jaisalmer on Friday evening. (ANI)
Sociologists and hardened
journalists know it too well. No violent communal polarisation or riots,
killings, arson and mayhem can last for more than a few hours if the local
administration, the top police brass, and their bosses, don’t want it.
It is impossible to
stretch the bloody destruction of public and private property, ransack and burn
schools, kill innocents in cold blood, or move as armed mobs shouting
blood-thirsty slogans as a terroristic public spectacle, if the government of
the day does not want it. In that sense, the onus of all communal violence in
any locality across geographical zone lies with the administration and the law &
order enforcement machinery.
Besides, there are grey zones in all kinds of violence which are driven by identity and hate politics. Riots can be termed ‘spontaneous’, based on years of conflict and tension, brewing and simmering, which suddenly flare up for no rational rhyme or reason. For instance, a tiff in a barber shop, a minor roadside accident, a heated argument, a mindless scuffle – they can all lead to spontaneous violence between communities. However, if this simmering conflict which is usually buried and allowed to pass, is stoked and instigated by interested lobbies for vested interests, with a certain diabolical twist in terms of motive, timing or location, then this spontaneous violence can be actually called socially and politically engineered.
There could be also
situations that communal violence is engineered deliberately and with precise
planning even in a totally peaceful scenario where communities have shared
local space, public/social functions and festivals, trade and agriculture,
friendship and neighbourhood life, for prolonged periods of peace and harmony.
Then, a vicious mind can introduce a virus than can suddenly become an epidemic
with help from certain planned and hidden factors, inflammatory speeches and rallies,
and acquire brutish and nasty dimensions which can rip apart the harmonious
social structures built painstakingly since decades. And, then, the wounds just
refuse to heal, thereafter.
This is exactly what happened in Muzaffarnagar and Saharanpur and its highly fertile rural areas in western UP months before the 2014 Lok Sabha elections which never had a history of communal strife or conflict. This is a green revolution belt, with flourishing sugar cane and mustard fields, a stronghold of the inheritors of Jat leader and former prime minister Chaudhury Charan Singh, and stretches across the rich and laid-back townships and villages of Shamli, Kandhla, Baraut, Baghpat and Meerut. The BJP had no presence here, except among the trading communities in Saharanpur etc.
The engineered riots were galvanized using the fake news of ‘Love Jihad’. That Muslims were enticing Hindu girls into love marriages, etc. This sparked off local violence, deaths, killings, mass rallies, mahapanchayats, inflammatory speeches and a vicious rupture that has never been witnessed ever in western UP.
The BJP’s dream project
materialized in the 2014 elections: the Hindus, from upper caste Jats to
landless and divided Dalits, among others, united against the Muslims who were
cornered and pushed to the wall. The BJP swept the elections here for the first
time, while Charan Singh’s followers, including his son, lost out badly.
At least 60,000 Muslims were rendered homeless. And it took a while, fact-finding teams, and some brave reporting by reporters, to prove the fact that the Love Jihad propaganda was a diabolical ploy which succeeded; there were casualties among both the communities though the Muslims took the brunt, and scores of Muslim women were assaulted. Some of the most militant and popular hardliners and rabble-rousers among the local BJP leadership emerged from this ‘engineered’ communal violence.
More sinister than this phenomenon is what is called a ‘State-sponsored’ communal carnage. This happens when the State itself aligns with a community or powerful lobbies or violent vigilante groups, and thereby unleashes concerted and relentless violence of the most grotesque kind against another community, its own citizens, for political, hegemonic and social reasons. This is nothing but ethnic cleansing in a certain transparent form, like the Whites did with the Blacks in America, the Serbs did with thousands of Muslims in Bosnia, the Taliban did with the Hazaras in Afghanistan, and what the ISIS and Wahabi Jihadis continue to do with the Yazidis, Kurds and other communities in Syria and the Middle-east.
This includes massacres,
mass murders, killings as public spectacles and total destruction of life and
property of the victim communities so that they are savaged and ravaged and can
never find justice against the violence inflicted on their bodies, minds,
families and homes.
This is what happened in
1984 in Delhi and in 2002 in Gujarat. This kind of ethnic cleansing is called a
pogrom: master-minded, planned, organised and executed by the State machinery and
its ideological and sundry goons, with the full power and might of the State apparatus
against a helpless and innocent community. This is what happened to the Sikhs
in Delhi in 1984 and Muslims in Gujarat in 2002.
A State-sponsored
massacre.
This involves total
destruction of their economy, shelter, community life, religious places and
well-being, effectively rendering them as second/third class citizens,
oppressed, brutalized and crushed.
In Delhi, for instance,
the homes and shops of Sikhs were burnt and looted in full public view with the
police either watching or becoming tacit and overt accomplices of the looters
and murderers. In Trilokpuri, Sultanpuri, Jehangirpur, among other spots, where
humble and modest, hard-working Sikhs lived simple lives, they were killed in
the most macabre manner and their homes burnt. Gurudwars too were not spared. This
was a Congress government sponsored massacre led by its politicians in Delhi
with the full backing and support of the police and administration.
Besides, in other towns
and public transport, Sikhs were hounded and killed. Indeed, it took decades to
get a minimal sense of justice for those who suffered unimaginable tragedies
and brutalities. The graphic realism of the massacre was made public in a
report by the PUCL-PUDR, ‘Who are the Guilty’, perhaps the first decisive
report of the bloodbath.
Unlike 1984, the Gujarat
carnage of 2002, with Narendra Modi at the helm of affairs, was well documented
from day one, though there was no social media at that time. Print and TV
journalists did their job with precision and exposed the fault-lines where the violence
was master-minded by the State, with its Bajrangi and Sanghi footsoldiers on
the ground, enacting massacre after massacre, mass rapes and burning of women
and children alive, hacking and burning of people, and organised mayhem with
active support of the police machinery.
This reality has also been
documented by several fact-finding teams, tribunals, filmmakers, among others. Some
police officers testified about the dirty deeds of top politicians, and BJP
leaders like Babu Bajrangi and Mayaben Kodnani were found guilty, among several
local functionaries. For the BJP, it was yet another test of ethnic cleansing
with State backing that would not only destroy the Muslims, but also reassert
their masculine, xenophobic and Hindutva brand of politics.
This is exactly the
‘Gujarat model’ that they tried in Northeast Delhi last week. True, there were
occasional retaliation and violence by Muslim youngsters, but by and large,
this was a State-sponsored violence, with a loyal police in tandem, striking at
will, burning and killing, destroying markets and schools, hosting a flag on
top of a mosque, surrounding women and children, and running amok, like they
did in Gujarat.
This could not have
happened without the tacit and overt approval of the Union home minstry and Delhi
Police. This could not have happened without the mobs being allowed full freedom
to ravage and savage residential areas, shouting Jai Shri Ram, now a blood-thirsty
war cry for masked goons with sticks guns, iron rods and petrol bombs.
People from both
communities have died and a majority has died of gunshot wounds. Investigations
are likely to be fudged in the days to come, as they did in Gujarat, but,
still, the reality cannot be hidden. Indeed, it was Kapil Mishra who triggered
the violence with his speech. That even the Delhi High Court is giving him
space, after another judge had sought an FIR against him and other BJP leaders a
day before, points to a certain pronounced institutional collapse of Indian
democracy, where many believe that the Constitution itself is in danger.
In that sense, clearly,
this was no CAA polarisation, though that was the pretense. The fact is that
majority of the anti-CAA/NRC protests, including in Shaheen Bagh and all over
Delhi, led by women, have been transparently and relentlessly peaceful.
Clearly, this was not
spontaneous, as Amit Shah has claimed. Scores of innocents have died. The
number will only increase. Surely, and tragically, this was brazenly and
blatantly organsied for communal polarisation to target one community. This was
State-sponsored. And the whole world knows whose first and final trump card
this kind of organised hate politics is.
Hindutva is no longer the rabble rouser vote bank as it was in the last national election. When the Arvind Kejriwal-led Aam Aadmi Party won an emphatic victory in the recent Delhi assembly election, opposition leaders were quick to point that the Bharatiya Janata Party will have to recalibrate its strategy of polarisation now that it had been roundly rejected by the electorate of yet another state.
However, it would be extremely difficult for the saffron party to
abandon its majoritarian agenda in the forthcoming state elections. For the
BJP, hardline Hindutva, strident nationalism and communal talk is an article of
faith.
Hindutva seems to have worked for BJP in the last election. It probably sees the current run of defeats as aberrations. Besides the Hindutva strategy helps divert attention from bread and butter issues at a time when the economy is tottering. An election is the occasion for the BJP to propagate its ideology.
In fact, the BJP’s high-decibel poll campaign in Delhi with its focus on
the Shaheen Bagh protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act was meant not
just to consolidate the Hindu vote in the Capital but also to send out a
message across the country that this agitation is led by minorities and that
the amended citizenship law actually enjoys popular support.
Among the opposition leaders, West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool
Congress chief Mamata Banerjee appears most vulnerable in this regard.
Determined to add West Bengal to its kitty, the BJP has opted for a brazenly
communal narrative to dethrone Banerjee. Having met with remarkable success in
the last Lok Sabha election when it surprised everyone by winning 18 seats and
increased its vote share to 40 percent, the BJP has every reason to persist
with this strategy. It remains undeterred by the fact that its attempts to
focus on Article 370 and triple talaq did not cut much ice with the voters in
Haryana, Jharkhand and Maharashtra.
It will not be surprising if the BJP’s polarising and divisive rhetoric
gets more shrill as it begins preparations for next year’s assembly election in
a state which has a 27 percent Muslim population.
The very fact that the BJP has re-elected Dilip Ghosh as president of the party’s West Bengal unit, is a clear message that the saffron party has no intention of going back on its communal agenda. Known for using vitriolic language, Ghosh is constantly stoking controversies with his inciting statements. Ghosh was in the eye of a storm recently when he described the anti-CAA protesters as “illiterate and uneducated” who are being fed biryani and “paid with foreign funds” to continue with their agitation. He constantly refers to the issue of infiltration in his speeches and has, on several occasions, thundered that all Bangladeshi Muslims in the state will be identified and chased out of India!
Not only has the BJP campaign reopened the old wounds inflicted in the
communal riots during the state’s partition of 1905, it has also been helped by
the fact that Mamata Banerjee is seen to be appeasing the minorities. The
Trinamool Congress chief who is personally leading the prolonged protests
against the amended citizenship law as well as the National Register of
Citizens and the National Population Register, has given the BJP enough fodder
to push ahead with its communal agenda.
Undoubtedly the Delhi defeat came as a rude shock for the BJP but, at
the same time, its leaders believe the party increased its tally from three to
eight seats and improved its vote share from 32 to 38 percent because it made
the anti-CAA protests as the centre piece of its campaign.
It’s still too early to say if the BJP’s strategy will succeed but, at present, Mamata Banerjee has the first mover advantage over her political rival. While the saffron party lacks a strong party organisation in West Bengal and has no credible chief ministerial candidate, the Trinamool Congress chief is already in election mode.
Like Kejriwal, she has stopped taking personal potshots at Prime
Minister Narendra Modi and is instead emphasising her governance record. She
has also taken the lead in articulating the dangers of the amended citizenship
law, the NPR and NRC. Mamata Banerjee is taking no chances as she realizes she
can ill-afford to underestimate the BJP as she had done in the 2019 Lok Sabha
election.
But before it goes for broke in West Bengal, the BJP will test the
waters in Bihar which is headed for polls later this year. Not only does the
state have a 17 percent Muslim population, the opposition (the Rashtriya Janata
Dal and the Congress) has staunchly opposed the CAA, reason enough for the
saffron party to polarise the electorate on religious lines.
Besides, the BJP is banking on its alliance partner, Bihar chief
minister and Janata Dal (U) president Nitish Kumar to act as a buffer against
its strident campaign. Though Nitish Kumar has endorsed the CAA, he has not
framed his support for the law on communal lines. Moreover, the Bihar chief
minister measures his words carefully and is not known to use extreme language.
This, the BJP feels, should help the alliance offset any possible adverse
repercussions of the saffron party’s high-pitched tirade against those opposing
the CAA.
However, if Mamata Benarjee can repeat AAP’s massive success in Bengal, voices in Bengal may start questioning Hindutva. Hindutva may be hanging by a thread.
Mohammad
Atif, a 24-year-old M Tech student who stays in Shaheen Bagh, says the cause to
save our Constitution is bigger than the minor inconvenience for the local
commuters in the locality
I belong to Lucknow but have been staying in south Delhi’s Shaheen Bagh area for several months at my cousin’s house. I came here to complete my M. Tech dissertation which coincided with the eruption of Jamia protests and the aftermath. And what a time it has been to be in Shaheen Bagh!
I had to visit my institute in South Delhi daily when the protests were in full swing. I did have to take a longer route to reach because of the arterial 2.5 km stretch at Shaheen Bagh being closed. The protest site isn’t disturbing people as much as the excessive blockades /barriers put in place by the administration even when some feel they are not needed.
Even newspapers/websites are now reporting that a few of the alternative routes didn’t even need to be blocked and is causing problems to people unnecessarily, especially those travelling to and from Noida, Sarita Vihar, Kalindi Kunj, Jamia, and an alternative route to Faridabad.
Indeed travelling into and out of Shaheen Bagh is even more cumbersome for a daily commuter. For me too, with petrol prices remaining consistently high, travelling the extra stretch to reach my institute on a bike has increased the budget for sure, though not considerably.
Many people who earlier used to get picked
up and dropped at their respective houses for their offices in Noida now have
to take the Metro as the cabs can’t enter inside Shaheen Bagh. This might be a
difficult thing, especially for women who get dropped during the night. Moreover,
travelling in the Metro also cause a dent in many people’s pockets. Middle
class might not feel the pinch as much, but the lower income group for whom
every penny is important, is finding it more difficult.
However, most locals are considering it as their contribution to nation-building and don’t mind suffering a little bit if the protest makes their voices reach the powers that be. Ambulances and school buses are moving easily though.
The protest site is near the commercial hub of Shaheen Bagh, so many a shop, outlet etc. have been closed for two months now. It is affecting the livelihoods of people, but again they feel that they are contributing in saving the Constitution and all that it stands for. We just hope that a solution is reached soon and the government initiates a dialogue with the protesters.
There are a few residences near the protest
site and I wonder how they are handling all the sounds from loudspeakers day in
and day out, though I have been told and have witnessed too ke protest bahut tameez se ki ja rahi hai.
Poora khayal rakha ja raha hai ke kisi ko koi pareshani na ho (The protests
are being done in a very nice manner and care is being taken that nobody
suffers because of the protests).
The humiliating defeat
suffered by the Bharatiya Janata Party in the Delhi assembly election has not
proved to be an auspicious beginning for the party’s month-old president JP Nadda. Though it is true that it was
Union Home Minister Amit Shah who led the party’s high-decibel campaign in
Delhi, history books will record the result as BJP’s first electoral drubbing
under Nadda’s stewardship.
Out of power for over
two decades, the BJP was predictably desperate to take control in Delhi.
But the Arvind Kejriwal-led Aam Aadmi Party proved to be a formidable
opponent and the BJP fell by the wayside once again.
Well before Nadda took
over as the BJP’s 11th president, it was widely acknowledged
that he will not enjoy the same powers as his predecessor Amit Shah did but, nevertheless,
would be called to take responsibility for the party’s poll defeats as well as
organisational matters.
Nadda began his tenure
with a disadvantage as it is difficult to live up to Shah’s larger-than-life
image. Amit Shah, who served as BJP president for five years has easily
been the most powerful party head in recent times. Known for his supreme
organisational skills, Shah is chiefly responsible for the BJP’s nation-wide expansion,
having built a vast network of party workers and put in place formidable
election machinery. No doubt Modi’s personality, charisma and famed
oratory drew in the crowds but there is no denying that Shah contributed
equally to the string of electoral victories notched by the BJP over the
last five years.
Given that Shah has
revamped the party organisation from scratch and placed his loyalists in
key positions, there are serious doubts that the affable, low-key and smiling
Nadda will be allowed functional autonomy. Will he be able to take independent
decisions, will he constantly be looking over his shoulder, will he be allowed
to appoint his own team or will he be a lame-duck party president? These
are the questions doing the rounds in the BJP as there is all-round
agreement that Shah will not relinquish his grip over the party organisation.
This was evident in the run-up to the Delhi assembly polls as it was Shah and
not Nadda who planned and led the party’s election campaign.
In fact, it is
acknowledged that Nadda was chosen to head the BJP precisely because he is
willing to play the second fiddle to Shah. Party leaders maintain that the new
president is unlikely to make any major changes in the near future and
that he will be consulting Shah before taking key decisions. For the moment,
state party chiefs appointed by Shah have been re-elected, ensuring
that the outgoing party president remains omnipresent.
Though Nadda has
inherited a far stronger party organisation as compared to his earlier
predecessors, the new BJP president also faces a fair share of challenges. He
has taken over as party chief at a time when the BJP scraped through in
the Haryana assembly polls, failed to form a government in Maharashtra and was
roundly defeated in Jharkhand. The party’s relations with its allies have
come under strain while the ongoing protests against the new citizenship
law, the National Register of Citizens and the National Population
Register have blotted the BJP’s copybook.
These developments
have predictably came as a rude shock to the BJP leadership and its cadres
who were convinced that the party was invincible, especially after it came
to power for a second consecutive term last May with a massive mandate.
Nadda’s first task has
been to boost the morale of party workers and make them believe that
the recent assembly poll results were a flash in the pan and that the BJP’s
expansion plans are on course.
After Delhi, the Bihar
election poses the next big challenge this year. The party’s ally, the Janata Dal
(U), has upped the ante, meant primarily to mount pressure on the BJP for
a larger share of seats in this year’s assembly elections. Realising that the
BJP cannot afford to alienate its allies at this juncture, Amit Shah
has already declared Nitish Kumar as the coalition’s chief ministerial
candidate, which effectively puts the Janata Dal (U) in the driver’s seat.
This has upset the BJP’s Bihar unit which has been pressing for a senior
role in the state and is even demanding that the next chief minister should be
from their party.
The BJP has to
necessarily treat its allies with kid gloves as they have been complaining
about the saffron party’s “big brother” attitude and that they are being
taken for granted. While Shiv Sena has already parted company with the
BJP, other alliance partners like the Lok Janshakti Party and the Shiromani
Akali Dal have also questioned the BJP’s style of functioning.
The crucial West
Bengal assembly election next year will also be held during Nadda’s
tenure. The BJP has been working methodically on the ground in this state
for the past several years now and has staked its prestige on dethroning Mamata
Banerjee.
But the Trinamool
Congress chief is putting up a spirited fight, sending out a clear message to
the BJP that it will not be so easy to oust her. Banerjee has declared war
against the Modi government on the issues pertaining to the CAA-NRC-NPR and
also activated her party cadres who have spread across the state to
explain the implications of the Centre’s decision to the poor and illiterate.
The BJP, on the other hand, is struggling to get across its message.
As in the case of
Delhi, Shah can be expected to take charge of the Bihar and West Bengal
assembly polls while Nadda will, at best, be a marginal player. Again it will
be left to Shah to mollify the party’s allies as it is too sensitive and
important a task to be handled by Nadda.
Like all political
parties led by strong leaders, a BJP defeat will be seen as Nadda’s failure
while a victory will be credited to Modi and Shah.
While the majority of people LokMarg spoke to about Aam Aadmi Party’s landslide in Delhi Assembly elections lauded Arvind Kejriwal’s work, there were several who felt the victory belonged to freebies and not governance.
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